By Abdulmalik Abdulkarim
There is a dangerous assumption in Nigerian political discourse: that the North is a single electoral constituency waiting to be captured by whoever produces a Northern running mate.
The reality is far more complicated. Northern voters are diverse, politically conscious and increasingly concerned about the tangible consequences of government policies. They want security. They want food on the table. They want jobs, functioning schools, roads, electricity and opportunities for their children.
This is precisely why Kashim Shettima matters to the All Progressives Congress (APC). His greatest political asset is not that he can magically deliver Northern Nigeria to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Rather, it is that he has the experience and political capacity to help the APC compete credibly in a region where the election could be decided by issues rather than sentiment.
*From Borno to Abuja*
Shettima’s political journey gives him an unusual combination of local authenticity and national exposure.
He understands Borno. He understands the North-East. But after serving as governor, senator and vice-president, he also understands Abuja.
This combination is politically useful. He can interpret Northern concerns to the Federal Government while explaining Federal Government policies to Northern citizens. In political terms, he is a two-way bridge. And this may be his greatest value in 2027.
*Turning Crisis Experience into Political Capital*
Shettima’s governorship of Borno occurred during a period of profound insecurity.
That experience could have left him defined solely by the crisis. Instead, it became part of his political education. He learnt the language of emergency governance, reconstruction, security coordination and community resilience.
Those lessons are relevant to today’s Northern challenges.
The APC can therefore present Shettima not merely as someone who comes from the North, but as someone who has governed through some of the North’s most difficult moments. That is a considerably stronger political proposition.
*The Economic Battlefield*
The greatest challenge to the APC in 2027 may not be opposition rhetoric. It may be household economics.
Voters judge government through lived experience.
A policy that looks impressive in Abuja but produces no discernible improvement in the life of a farmer, trader or young graduate will struggle to generate electoral enthusiasm.
Shettima’s opportunity is to help close that communication gap. He can explain reforms. But he can also insist that reforms must eventually produce results.
This is important because effective political communication is not propaganda. It is the ability to connect policy with people’s reality.
This, if the APC can demonstrate concrete improvements in agriculture, infrastructure, employment and security, Shettima will be well positioned to communicate those gains in the North.
*Why the North-East Matters*
The North-East gives Shettima a natural starting point. He is one of its most recognisable national political figures.
The public mobilisation of North-Eastern political leaders around the Tinubu-Shettima ticket provides evidence of a potentially useful political foundation. But the real opportunity is to move from elite consensus to grassroots confidence.
The APC must ask a simple question in every Northern community: What has changed?
Where there is progress, it should be documented. Where problems remain, they should be acknowledged. Where programmes are incomplete, timelines should be communicated.
Shettima can help make that conversation credible because he understands the region’s political and social vocabulary.
*Beyond the North-East*
Shettima’s challenge will be to expand his influence beyond his home region. The North-West has a different political history and a different electoral culture. The North-Central has its own complex combination of ethnic, religious, agricultural and security concerns.
He cannot approach these regions with a one-size-fits-all strategy. However, his national political experience gives him the capacity to adapt.
The Vice President can engage each region on its own terms while maintaining a common national message. That is precisely what successful coalition politics requires.
*The Religious Question*
The Muslim-Muslim ticket will remain part of the political conversation. But Shettima possesses a potential answer that is more powerful than political argument: conduct.
If the Vice President continues to promote national unity, religious tolerance and inclusive governance, he can help the APC demonstrate that the ticket is not a declaration of religious supremacy. The presidency belongs constitutionally to all Nigerians.
That principle should be visible in governance. And Shettima is in a particularly strong position to articulate it.
*Youth and the Future*
Northern Nigeria has one of the country’s youngest populations. This makes young voters critical to the 2027 election.
The APC cannot depend entirely on traditional political structures. Young Nigerians want opportunities, digital connectivity, education, entrepreneurship and meaningful participation.
Shettima’s relatively contemporary communication style and national visibility give him an opportunity to engage this demographic. But again, engagement must go beyond speeches. The party must present measurable opportunities.
Where policy produces results, Shettima can become one of its strongest communicators.
*Why His Political Networks Matter*
No presidential election is won by an individual. It is won through thousands of political relationships operating across wards, local governments and states.
Shettima’s years in government have given him access to an extensive network of governors, legislators, traditional rulers, party leaders, business figures and community stakeholders. That network is an asset.
Used intelligently, it can help the APC identify local grievances before they become political crises. It can also help the presidency communicate directly with communities.
*The Real Shettima Advantage*
The strongest argument for Shettima is therefore not emotional. It is strategic.
He gives Tinubu a running mate who understands the North but has spent enough time at the centre to understand the whole country.
He has governed. He has legislated. He has negotiated. He has communicated. He has survived political adversity. And he has demonstrated loyalty to the presidential partnership. These qualities will matter in an election likely to be fiercely contested.
Against this backdrop, Shettima could help transform the party’s Northern strategy from “Vote for us because our vice-president is from here” to “Vote for us because we understand your concerns and have a credible record and plan for addressing them.”
That may sound a harder argument, but it is also a more durable one. This could help the APC make it convincingly and thus, underscoring Shettima’s political contribution to Tinubu-Shettima’s 2027 re-election.
– Abdulkarim Abdulmalik is an Abuja-based Journalist. Email: nowmalik@gmail.com