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Tinubu’s tragic trial of Nigeria’s malnourished minors

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Nigeria is doddering on the edge of never-before-seen economic desolation, but President Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration’s major preoccupation is not to bring ministration to a badly hurting nation but to prosecute harmless, impoverished, malnourished, and undernourished minors of northern Nigerian origin who, months ago, joined millions of Nigerians to protest for their right to a life without crippling poverty and fear, for which the only reply from the state has been detention and starvation.

Yesterday, social media platforms were suffused with piteous, nerve-wracking videos and photos of four malnourished minors—kids in their early teens whose bones bear witness to weeks in captivity—who collapsed in a courtroom in Abuja. Their fragile, pity-inducing bodies provide evidence of the brutal conditions they’ve endured in jail. It was an unmitigated scandal, a total embarrassment, a tear-jerking spectacle.

What intolerably rank insanity is this? What halfway sensible government would arrest, imprison, and then publicly try its underage children just because they stood against the unendurable economic tyranny that has pushed millions of Nigerians into incalculable torment?

These children didn’t rise up in protest because they were troublemakers. They rose because they were hungry. They saw, in their communities, a growing tide of desperation and despair brought about by a series of misguided neoliberal policies that have squeezed every last drop of dignity from their lives.

The #EndBadGovernance protest was not an act of rebellion for the sake of anarchy or for the overthrow of the Tinubu administration. It was a scream for survival in a country that has turned a deaf ear to its poorest, youngest, most vulnerable citizens. The children joined the protest, not because they were instigators, but because they are the victims of policies that have crushed them and their parents.

Now, Tinubu is prosecuting these poor children’s audacity to feel hunger, their nerve to protest against it, and their courage to ask for a better future.

Yes, young Nigerians, weakened by malnutrition, denuded of hope by unceasingly mounting prices, and drained by the unyielding fear that Nigeria’s streets are now safer than its government, are being hauled into court as though they were hard-boiled criminals. There is no parallel for this that I can recall in Nigeria in my lifetime.

How hollow must we be, as a society, to accept that the government’s solution to rising dissent and desperation is to prosecute the youth it has left to wither? This is not governance; this is a callous persecution masquerading as law and order.

The logic is Kafkaesque: punish the hungry, hush up the desperate, and maybe, just maybe, the problem will go away. But hunger and despair don’t disappear when you throw a child in jail. Poverty doesn’t vanish when you suppress a protest. The anger and frustration simmer, unaddressed, until they spill over.

I couldn’t hold back tears at the sight of five minors, weak from hunger, fainting as they were called to stand trial. It’s a sight that would shame even the most despotic regimes.

Here were young Nigerians, handcuffed by a state that refuses to feed, clothe, or educate them, collapsing before their accusers as if in silent protest, their very bodies speaking louder than any courtroom defense ever could.

Even lawyers and court officials, perhaps briefly awakened from the stupor of compliance, rushed to assist them. But as the immediate shock subsided, what remained was an undeniable truth: Nigeria’s youth are being starved, punished, and brought to the brink, not for crimes, but for demanding their right to survive in a country that fails them at every turn.

At the heart of this blot on Nigeria’s escutcheon is a government that seems more beholden to the dictates of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank than to the needs of its own people. President Bola Tinubu’s administration has followed the familiar playbook of austerity and subsidy removal, but without the slightest regard for the human cost.

Inflation is climbing, prices are soaring, the naira is plunging, hope is walking away, and the nation is dying. Families cannot afford basic sustenance, the middle class is disappearing, the poor are being crushed beyond the bounds of tolerance, and the nation’s youth, who see no future in the darkening landscape, are told to keep silent or face untoward consequences.

These poor, hapless children are not the problem. The government’s own policies are the problem. As I have pointed out repeatedly in multiple columns, the unbending loyalty to IMF austerity measures and “economic reforms” that do nothing but deepen poverty and widen the gulf between the haves and have-nots are the problem.

So why are these policies, and those who enforce them, not on trial instead? Why are the architects of this economic catastrophe not being called to account for the collapse of hope and opportunity?

The prosecution’s temporary suspension of trial of the four, after the children slumped in the courtroom, is not mercy; it is an insult. A government that detains minors for protesting unexampled economic adversity has already lost the moral high ground.

The temporary reprieve is nothing more than a bureaucratic sleight of hand, a way to postpone the embarrassment without addressing the real atrocity: the inhumane treatment of minors for daring to stand up against systemic injustice.

In a twist of poetic irony, the administration’s heavy-handed tactics reveal a fearful truth: the voices of Nigeria’s youth are a threat to the powerful. It is their courage, their unyielding desire for a better future, that sends tremors through the halls of power.

Instead of seeing these children as a spark of hope, a chance for renewal, the government has chosen to crush that spirit. These young people are Nigeria’s conscience, and by silencing them, the state only exposes the depths of its own desperation and degeneration.

Where is the humanity, the leadership, the understanding that a nation’s youth are its most precious resource? The Tinubu government must immediately end this untenably appalling charade of prosecuting minors who have the misfortune of being born in desperately poor homes.

It should release these children to their families forthwith. What the kids need is food, opportunity, and security, not prosecution. They are the voices of a generation calling out for empathy, action, and understanding, not retribution. Their cries are not a threat; they are a call to conscience, a summons to a government that has seemingly lost its way in the maze of worthless economic jargon and self-created fiscal constraints.

Let the children heal and live free of the fear that their hunger and hardship will be met with chains. The government must prioritize people over inhuman policies dictated by distant, no-good, vampiric financial institutions in Washington. It must recognize that these policies have consequences, consequences borne not by politicians and their cronies but by millions of Nigerians who struggle daily to survive.

For every child in that courtroom, for every young voice silenced by detention, Nigeria loses a part of its soul. Let this be a warning to those in power: the future is watching, and history will remember which leaders chose compassion over cruelty, justice over vengeance.

Because if a nation’s children cannot protest peacefully without fear of reprisal if their hunger is not a call to action but an excuse for punishment, then the government itself stands on trial—and it is failing spectacularly.

● Kperogi, a Nigeria Professor, teaches in an American university.

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Opinion

On Yahaya Bello: What Does Gov Ododo Really Want?

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Yahaya Bello and Usman Ododo

By Yushau A. Shuaib

My first encounter with Usman Ododo occurred at PRNigeria Centre Abuja in February 2021, exactly four years ago, when he sought strategic communication supports for Governor Yahaya Bello’s aspirations. He portrayed a committed and loyal aide, yet I found it peculiar that he never mentioned his own political ambitions.
It was through our legal adviser, the now Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) Yunus Abdulsalam, who accompanied him, that I learned Ododo was likely to be the anointed candidate of then-Governor Yahaya Bello.

At the time, I struggled to understand how Yahaya Bello—a charismatic and high-profile governor—could endorse someone who struck me as remarkably humble and reserved, lacking the typical boastfulness and vainglory associated with Nigerian politicians. As the Auditor General for Local Governments, Usman Ododo had never served as a flamboyant commissioner in a lucrative ministry or as the chief executive of a prominent state agency.
Despite his low political profile, I later learned that he had been quietly supporting philanthropic initiatives through various groups and individuals, benefiting communities across the state. Interestingly, these efforts were often perceived as coming from Yahaya Bello himself, likely due to Ododo’s evident admiration for the governor.

A few days later, I received an invitation from a respected media colleague to attend a press engagement with Governor Yahaya Bello.
This encounter later became the subject of my article, “Governor Yahaya Bello for President of Nigeria?” In it, I reflected on our earlier acquaintance when he served as a National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) member and was subsequently offered automatic employment at the Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC). At the time, I served as Head of Press and Public Relations from 1999 to 2005.

I noticed Bello’s intense publicity push, especially regarding his controversial stance on the COVID-19 pandemic, which he infamously downplayed as a “glorified malaria.” He consistently defied safety measures, opposed vaccination efforts, and countered public health narratives—actions that attracted significant media attention, similar to former U.S. President Donald Trump.

Despite facing a barrage of criticisms from formidable opposition forces both within and outside the state, which often cast him as a controversial figure and undermined his notable strides and achievements in empowerment, revenue generation, infrastructure development, and other areas, Yahaya Bello as an achiever remains one of the most misunderstood governors of the Buhari era.

During the meeting, I informed Yahaya Bello of Usman Ododo’s support for his presidential aspirations. In response, the governor smiled and downplayed Ododo’s role, saying, “Watch out for that guy… he is a perfect candidate for the future.”

Intrigued, I began researching Ododo’s background. Born on January 1, 1978, in Okene, he pursued academics at the Federal Polytechnic Bida, where he earned both a National Diploma and a Higher National Diploma in Accounting, later obtaining a B.Sc. in Accounting (Forensic) from Achievers University, Owo. His professional trajectory included positions as Assistant Manager of Revenue at the Power Holding Company of Nigeria (PHCN) and Finance Manager at the National Power Training Institute of Nigeria (NAPTIN). In 2016, Governor Yahaya Bello appointed him Auditor General of Local Governments in Kogi State. His financial management and compliance expertise earned him memberships in esteemed organisations such as the Nigeria Institute of Management (NIM), the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria (ICAN), and the Chartered Institute of Taxation of Nigeria.

While serving as Auditor General, Ododo was nominated as the gubernatorial candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and subsequently won the 2024 governorship election at age 46.

A defining aspect of Ododo’s character is his unwavering loyalty, humility, and sincerity. His deep allegiance to Bello has drawn both admiration and criticism. Many believe Bello’s endorsement of Ododo was a calculated move intended to preserve his political legacy and influence within the state.

As governor, Usman Ododo has demonstrated remarkable loyalty to his predecessor, even going so far as to assist Bello in evading scrutiny and arrest, as reported. Ododo’s administration largely mirrors Bello’s policies, emphasizing strong alignment with his predecessor’s political interests.

In a nation where anointed candidates often turn against their benefactors, Ododo’s steadfast loyalty to Yahaya Bello stands out as exceptional. His readiness to confront federal agencies, such the Economic and Financial Commission (EFCC), raises questions about his priorities. This loyalty is not merely political; it appears personal and calculated, though it comes with risks of potential political isolation and damage to reputation.

Despite not being particularly outspoken or inclined to grant press interviews, Ododo has been quietly impacting the state through infrastructure development, reconciliation with opposition groups, and fostering peaceful coexistence.

A recent executive summary of a monthly PRNigeria media review on Kogi State highlights a mix of positive efforts, security challenges, and political developments. The report indicates that Ododo’s administration is commended for budgetary allocations, welfare initiatives, and infrastructural projects, although security threats and political controversies dominate public discourse. The report suggested that strengthening security, project implementation and judicious utilisation of resources and strategic media relations will be vital for sustaining positive public perception and effective governance.

Meanwhile, to gauge the sentiments of Kogi indigenes, I consulted Mojeed Dahiru, a respected public commentator and columnist from Okene. He commented, “Ododo has a peaceful disposition… he views himself as a governor for all, striving to build consensus among political leaders, ethnic groups, and religious communities, even engaging with the opposition.”

Similarly, I reached out to Haruna Abdullahi Haruspice, a renowned social media influencer and Igala chieftaincy titleholder, to gain insight into Ododo’s leadership style. While praising the governor, Haruspice noted that he demonstrates a humane approach to leadership, marked by remarkable humility, particularly in the face of adversity and hostile environments. Moreover, he highlighted Ododo’s promising prospects for ensuring equitable distribution of government interventions across the state.

An Abuja-based youth activist, Shuaibu Omoolowo, described Usman Ododo as a leader who has demonstrated the potential to steer Kogi State toward a prosperous future. He noted that while Ododo remains loyal to the former Governor, who continues to serve as a guiding figure in his career, Bello’s influence does not interfere with his decision-making, allowing him to take independent actions and lead with autonomy.

Despite the commendations, concerns persist regarding perceived favoritism or nepotism, especially in appointments and resource allocation from some quarters.

The pathway ahead for Governor Usman Ododo requires a careful balance between loyalty and the democratic ideals of accountability to the people of Kogi State.

Someone once posed a simple yet profound question that remains unanswered: “In loyalty to Yahaya Bello, what does Ododo really want?”

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of An Encounter with the Spymaster.” yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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Opinion

Crusoe Osagie: The Kleptomaniac Propagandist of a Failed Governor

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Fred Itua

By Fred Itua

Crusoe Osagie, the mouthpiece of Godwin Obaseki, has once again exposed himself as nothing more than a desperate liar scrambling to whitewash eight years of abject failure. His latest outburst against Governor Okpebholo is not just laughable—it is the last kick of a drowning man trying to defend a political disaster.

Let’s be clear: Obaseki’s reign was a catastrophic betrayal of the people of Edo State. And Osagie, his attack dog, is nothing but a paid town crier peddling falsehoods in broad daylight.

Who is Crusoe Osagie, and why should anyone take him seriously? The former head of government media, who was often evasive, too busy to engage with journalists except when money is involved, and rarely available to highlight the administration’s ‘achievements’, has suddenly found his voice. Now, he appears to be an attention seeker—a political opportunist in search of relevance.

This is the same man who, in 2016, swore on his ancestors’ grave that Senator Adams Oshiomhole’s vision must be sustained through Obaseki. The same Osagie who, in 2020, turned around and called Oshiomhole all sort of unprintable names. Today, he is singing another tune because he has lost relevance.

Let’s break down the nonsense Osagie is laboring hard to sell.

1. Why is Obaseki Afraid of an Audit?

If Obaseki has nothing to hide, why is he so terrified of assets verification? Why is Osagie screaming like a guilty child caught stealing meat from the pot? Governor Okpebholo is simply asking for a review of how Edo’s assets were handled. But instead of providing facts, Osagie is jumping like a rattled rat.

We all know why.

The so-called “private-sector investments” were nothing but a front for Obaseki and his cronies to grab State assets. Lands meant for the public were cornered by friends of government under the guise of development projects.

The Benin Central Hospital was not just shut down—it was looted and converted for Obaseki’s selfish ambitions. What exactly is Obaseki hiding? Crusoe Osagie, go and tell your boss that no amount of wailing will stop the truth from coming out.

2. Osagie, You Want to Talk About Governance? Let’s Talk!

Osagie claimed that Okpebholo has failed in 90 days. Did he forget that his boss, Obaseki, spent his first tenure blaming Oshiomhole for everything under the sun? It took Obaseki two years to build a single road, yet Osagie wants us to judge Okpebholo in three months?

Obaseki spent eight years running Edo like a private empire, disrespecting elders, sidelining lawmakers, and fighting everyone.

Under Obaseki, public servants were treated like slaves—civil servants went years without promotions, and pensioners were left to die in frustration. Yet Osagie wants us to clap for failure. Never!

3. Benin Central Hospital: A Monument to Obaseki’s Wickedness

Osagie had the audacity to justify the destruction of the Benin Central Hospital. According to him, a renowned, historic hospital was shut down so that Obaseki could build a museum. A museum!

So, in Obaseki’s mind, tourists are more important than sick Edo citizens? Instead of fixing the health sector, he turned hospitals into political projects for his godless agenda.

Stella Obasanjo Hospital was underfunded, yet Osagie wants us to believe that Edo’s healthcare improved? This is pure wickedness. And only a soulless propagandist like Crusoe Osagie would dare to justify it.

4. Edo’s Debt Crisis: The Lies and the Facts

Crusoe assumed Edo people have forgotten? Let’s talk about the debt mess that his boss left behind.

Edo’s debt skyrocketed under Obaseki because he accessed reckless loans under the guise of investments. The State’s revenue remained stagnant, meaning Obaseki was borrowing money with no plan to pay it back.

Osagie wants us to believe that currency fluctuations are to blame? Then why are other States managing their finances better? Obaseki left Edo drowning in debt, and you think we will let that slide?

5. Radisson Hotel Scam—A National Disgrace

We have not forgotten about the Radisson Hotel scandal. Obaseki dubiously accessed State funds, built a hotel, and then handed it to “private investors.” Who are these investors? What process was used in selecting these briefcase investors? Why was Obaseki in a dubious hurry in the twilight of his satanic administration to conclude the hostile sell-off?

This was another well-orchestrated heist. But Edo people are watching.

6. The Betrayal of Edo Youths

Since Osagie loves to talk about governance, let’s talk about how his boss betrayed Edo youths.

He promised jobs, but delivered mass unemployment—the so-called EdoJobs program was a joke. He destroyed transport unions, leaving thousands of young people stranded without work. He turned Edo into a land of suffering while his own family and friends enjoyed State resources.

What legacy are you defending, Osagie? The legacy of hunger, hardship, and hopelessness?

Crusoe Osagie is nothing but an irresponsible, shameless and a political jobber trying to remain relevant. Known among journalists in Edo State as a petty tyrant who turned the Government House Press Unit into his personal estate, and used government powers to suppress and oppress them, his rant against Okpebholo is not about Edo—it is about his desperation to keep eating from Obaseki’s stolen wealth.

But Edo people have moved on. The era of lies is over. The era of propaganda is over. The era of deception is over and never again will Edo State experience an Obaseki nor Edo Journalists come in contact with an Osagie Crusoe – the sadist, kleptomaniac attack dog of a failed governor

*Crusoe can cry from now till 2027, but Obaseki’s legacy remains what it is: a complete disaster.*

*Fred Itua is the Chief Press Secretary to Edo State Governor.*

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Opinion

This is not the time to play with the educational system in Nigeria

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Olu Agunloye

By Dr. Olu Agunloye. 7 February 2025

It is disturbing that the current Administration of President Bola Tinubu is considering or making or attempting to make cosmetic changes in the educational systems which is already in near comatose state? Nigerians have seen too many ephemera un-progressive changes in the educational sector, and now they are only yearning for value-added and well thought out developmental changes, not superficial or cosmetic changes.

In the 40s and 50s, children were not allowed to start the elementary school except they were “mature”, averagely, like from 12 years of age or older. This bogus age barrier shifted down gradually. For me, personally, as an omo tisa, I started school at the age of 8 years in the old Western Region of Nigeria. My sister, Modupe, even started at six years of age. The elementary school system then was changing from Class 1 to 7 to Pry I to VI. I started at Class 1 in 1954 and was promoted from Class 3 in 1956 to Pry III in 1957 and graduated elementary school in 1960. You could see how I lost one year because of the system change. After completing the elementary school, I entered the era of changing the 6-year secondary school system to a 5-year system with a 2-year Higher Secondary Certificate (HSC) school and three years to graduate at the university. I was lucky to start Form 1 in a secondary school that was already on the 5-year programme. Several other secondary schools were still on the 6-year programme for another six years to my knowledge.

On the national scene, the Pry-[Sec]-Tertiary system changed from 7-[6-2]-3, that is, 18 years to graduate to 6-[5-2]-3 or 6-[5]-4, that is, 16 years or 15 years to graduate starting from the elementary school. This system further changed for the next generation to 6-[3-3]-4, that is, 16 years to graduate at the university level, and now, the President Tinubu Administration is changing to a new system of 12-4 for the new generation in a way that appears not well-thought out.

Nigerian leaders in the past introduced the three-year Modern School subsystem after the elementary school and the HSC system, a two-year course after the 5- or 6-year secondary school system followed by a 3- or 4-year tertiary education at the University. All these pointed to the fact that our leaders were only striving to look for an appropriately well-suited educational system. Those changes were traumatic for pupils, and they disrupted the career paths of quite a number of young people. Couple of decades later and many presidencies after, Nigeria has yet not got it right.

Unfortunately, in 2025, the Tinubu Administration appears not yet able to get a firm grip on appropriate reforms in the educational sector. The new or proposed system still gets children to graduate in 16 years if they don’t quit. But, unlike the current system being replaced which lets you get out of the educational conveyor belt at three intermediate junctions, after Pry 6, or JSS3 or SS3, this new system is designed for only one exit, the Secondary School or the O’ Level exit for those who won’t complete at the tertiary level. The Tinubu government has not yet revealed the fundamental improvements, the benefits and the novel contents in the new 12-year basic education system that will make it better than the 6-3-3-4 system. We hope that the real advantages of the new system are not limited to the savings that the Government will make from conducting only one exit-examination instead of three.

Children are expected to get into formal learning process as early as four years of age and remain on the chain of educational processes until they can pick up a vocation and make contributions to own livelihood, the community and the nation. The irreducible minimum we expect in Nigeria is for generations of children and young people to get progressively better values, better ethics, and better learning environments from the educational system. For now, we await all these to unfold under the Administration of President Bola Tinubu.

Good News? As I was pondering on the yet to be revealed benefits of this new educational system announced by Government other than the arumoje savings from dodging exit examinations and certifications that are necessary and imperative, I came across a desirable denial from the Honourable Minister of Education saying, “The proposal seeks to migrate to 12 years of compulsory education while retaining the current 6-3-3 structure.”

Pray, why should Government advertise a proposal still in the works? Would they have had time for this if they had squarely faced the numerous challenges in the educational system that had been systematically degraded over the years. We wait.

Dr. Olu Agunloye,
… writing from Abuja, holds a bachelor’s degree and a doctorate degree in Physics from the University of Ibadan, as well as a Master’s degree in Applied Geophysics from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) in Cambridge, USA. He was the Pioneer Corps Marshal of FRSC, former Special Adviser to Hon. Attorney General of the Federation, former Minister of Defence (Navy), former Minister of Power and Steel, and currently the National Secretary of the Social Democratic Party, SDP.

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