Opinion
Edo 2024: PDP, APC battle over alleged attempts to ‘doctor’ poll materials

By *Ehichioya Ezomon*
It’s rare for an election loser in Nigeria to move apace to lodge a petition at the tribunal for a retrieval of the alleged “stolen mandate” they often claim the people have given to them at the poll. Whatsoever the degree of their grievances, the election loser will wait till the eleventh hour before filing a petition. It’s as if they deliberately stall the process for a couple of reasons:
1) To play for time, to traffic in alleged election malpractice, and exert maximum pressure on the candidate, who’s declared as the winner of the poll, to send a message that it’s not yet time to rejoice over the purported “stolen” ballot. 2) When the aggrieved aren’t sure they can get judgment at the tribunal with the kind of allegations they levied, and the evidence against the “poll winner,” their party, the electoral umpire and security agencies.
It’s easy to make serious allegations of skewed process: disenfranchisement of voters; suppression of votes; over-voting; buying of votes; alteration of results; and connivance of the electoral body, the party of the poll winner and the Police – all of which must be “proved beyond all reasonable doubts,” and “in substantial compliance” with the relevant electoral laws.
In the case of the Edo governorship of September 21, 2024, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and its candidate, Dr Asue Ighodalo, have made weighty allegations against the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the Police on the grounds of “fraudulent and wrongful” declaration of Senator Monday Okpebholo (APC, Edo Central) as the winner of the poll.
On September 29, the PDP and Ighodalo quickly obtained an order of the Edo State Election Petitions Tribunal, directing the INEC to “hand over the comprehensive list of electoral materials in its custody for the inspection of Ighodalo and the PDP, and the taking of the Certified True Copy (CTC) thereof.” The three-member tribunal Chairman, Justice W. I. Kpochi, giving the order in the suit marked, EPT/ED/GOV/01M/2024, between Ighodalo and the PDP, as Applicants, and the INEC, Okpebholo and the APC, as Respondents, said it’s hereby ordered:
“That the 1st Respondent is directed to grant the Applicants or their Solicitors and Forensic documents Examiners unfettered access to and open up for inspection all electoral documents or any document in the custody of the National Chief Electoral Commissioner or any officer of the Commission/1st Respondent particularly the Voter Registers, the ballot papers, the BVAS machines, Forms EC25B, EC 25B(1), Forms EC40A and Forms EC40C which were utilised for the conduct of the Edo State Governorship Election held on the 21st September 2024.
“That the 1st Respondent is mandated to take immediate steps to ensure that all the Forms: EC25B, EC25B(I), EC40A, EC40C, EC40G, EC40G(I) used at the gubernatorial election of 21st of September, 2024 either in the custody of the Chief National Electoral Commissioner, Resident Electoral Commissioner of Edo State or any other officer of the Commission are preserved, kept temper-proof and secure pending the filing, hearing and determination of the Petition to be filed by the Applicants.
“That the 1s Respondent is further directed to produce and give to the Applicants, forthwith upon payment of appropriate certification fees, a List of accredited agents of all the political parties that participated in the Edo state gubernatorial election. Voters register for each of the polling units.”
Before – and since the conclusion of the process on September 22 – Ighodalo’s spoken about being deprived of “victory,” and vowed to regain his “stolen mandate” with the evidence at his disposal, telling Channels TV’s ‘Politics Today’ on September 27, as reported by Daily Trust, that the INEC, APC and the Police colluded to rob him of his “mandate.”
Ighodalo said: “There was a collusion between the INEC and the police to suppress the will of the people of Edo State. People of Edo State purposely voted for us (PDP). We won the election clearly. But we have serious collusion by INEC and the APC working towards votes not counting. But this time around, we will go through the judicial process and the vote will count.”
The Ighodalo/PDP camp also alleged an underhand tactic by the INEC and APC to frustrate their getting justice at the tribunal. Amid allegation of “doctoring” of the election materials – to sustain the reported manipulated results in favour of Okpebholo – the Ighodalo/PDP team applied to inspect the electoral materials, to enable it flesh up its petitions, and meet the deadline for filing of petitions at the tribunal.
But officials of the INEC office in Benin City, Edo State capital city, reportedly refused to allow the applicants’ counsel to examine the election materials, as directed by the tribunal. The PDP National Publicity Secretary, Mr. Debo Ologunagba, firing on all cylinders on October 7, said:
“The action of the INEC in Edo State validates reports of criminal connivance of some INEC officials with the APC to obstruct the course of justice and suppress evidence of the manipulation and doctoring of election results which was clearly won by the PDP and its candidate.
“Information available to the PDP indicates that the heavily-compromised INEC officials and the APC are working to alter the data in the BVAS machines, results sheets, ballot papers and other vital information in favour of the defeated APC candidate.
“INEC and the APC must know that there is no way the PDP and the people of Edo State will allow the mandate freely given to our party and candidate at the September 21, 2024, Edo State governorship to be illegally transferred to the APC which was defeated at the election.”
Responding to the Ighodalo/PDP allegations, the INEC office in Benin City denied obstructing any political party from inspecting election materials and BVAS machines used for the governorship, with the Resident Electoral Commissioner (REC), Dr Anugbum Onuoha, in a statement on October 9, decrying the accusation.
Onuoha said: “The attention of INEC and my office has been drawn to certain unfounded allegations suggesting that I have refused political parties and their representatives access to inspect the BVAS devices and other election materials used during the recent election.
“We wish to categorically state that these allegations are baseless, misleading, and completely devoid of truth. INEC, under my leadership in Edo, remains committed to upholding the highest standards of transparency, fairness, and integrity of all electoral processes.
“We are dedicated to supporting the lawful processes that enable parties to seek redress in the courts. In furtherance of this commitment, I wish to inform the public that the inspection of the election materials, including the BVAS devices, has been formally scheduled for Wednesday (October 9) at the INEC headquarters in Benin.”
But on that Wednesday, the inspection couldn’t hold due to objections raised by the Okpebholo/APC lawyers: That they’re only served, at the venue, the tribunal order for the Ighodalo/PDP lawyers to inspect the INEC materials; and that rather than the BVAS machines, the inspection should commence with the register of voters.
Again on Thursday, October 10, the inspection couldn’t hold, owing to a reported clash between supporters of the APC and PDP, and gunfires by thugs around the INEC office; and Okpebholo/APC’s lawyers’ petition to INEC, alleging that the BVAS machines and other election materials were conveyed in Edo State government vehicles, thus raising suspicion of possible tampering with the evidence by the Ighodalo/PDP team.
With no immediate response to the Okpebholo/APC petition, the INEC postponed, indefinitely, the inspection of election materials, even as six of the 18 parties, including APC, which participated in the September poll – citing INEC’s inability to begin the process on October 11 – have rescheduled a joint inspection of the materials to Monday, October 14, at the INEC headquarters in Benin City.
As reported by PUNCH on October 10, counsel to Okpebholo/APC, Victor Ohionsumua, told journalists that the party would only return for the inspection once their petition had been addressed, stating that the Edo APC chairman, Emperor Jarrett Tenebe, submitted the petition to the state REC, the Commissioner of Police, and the Department of State Services (DSS) in Edo.
Mr Ohionsumua said Mr Tenebe observed that the BVAS machines and voter registers were brought into the INEC complex a few days ago in Edo State Government vehicles, adding that, “on that basis, we raised an objection that the petition must be addressed before the materials inspection can proceed. The INEC legal officer wanted to move forward with the inspection without directives from the REC.
“We insisted on hearing from the REC, and that our petition must be addressed before proceeding. During this, the situation became chaotic, and we began hearing gunshots outside the complex. The INEC Director of Operations then decided to adjourn the inspection indefinitely, citing security concerns. He has not informed us if we are to return on Friday (October 11).”
The question: Why did the INEC convey very sensitive materials – such as the BVAS machines and other materials used in the Edo governorship, which were billed for inspection by fierce rival political parties – with vehicles belonging to the Edo State government, which’s controlled by the PDP and Governor Godwin Obaseki, who’s “anointed” and promoted Dr Ighodalo to succeed him in November 2024?
But REC Onuoha denied the Okpebholo/APC allegation that the Ighodalo/PDP team smuggled BVAS machines and voter registers into the INEC office, stating that a thorough investigation found the charge to be “baseless and unsubstantiated,” The ConclaveNg reported on October 11.
Onuoha said: “Following a comprehensive review of the allegations, it has been determined that the allegations are baseless, unsubstantiated, and entirely without merit. INEC maintains a steadfast commitment to upholding the integrity of the electoral process, and at no time were the BVAS machines or voters’ registers compromised or unlawfully accessed by any political party or external entity.
“In light of these findings, we are in full compliance with the recent court order, directing the inspection of electoral materials, including the BVAS machines and voters’ registers. INEC is prepared to facilitate this inspection process, ensuring transparency and adherence to the rule of law. We urge all parties to cooperate fully during this process.”
The Okpebholo/APC team had reportedly “smelt a rat” when the Ighodalo/PDP camp proceeded to the tribunal, to obtain an order on Sunday, September 29, to inspect the INEC materials used for the Edo election, prompting thousands of APC’s supporters, on October 7, to protest an alleged plot to “tamper with the result sheets and other materials.” They blocked the entrance into the INEC office in Benin City, creating a gridlock around the area.
Reportedly led by the Deputy Governor-elect, Hon. Dennis Idahosa (APC, Ovia Federal Constituency), the APC supporters allegedly acted on a piece of intel: That Governor Obaseki suddenly returned from his “terminal leave” overseas “with Sophisticated Infrared-Driven Technology, with preloaded results, to manipulate the INEC database.”
A social media post by “Akpakomiza Media Strikers” – one of the political groups that campaigned for the election of Okpebholo – stated that, “credible sources have raised concerns about the true intent behind Obaseki’s recent trip to Italy, shortly after the Edo State gubernatorial election,” alleging that the trip was a “calculated scheme to manipulate the election results through sophisticated technology.”
According to the post: “Obaseki is said to have access to specialised software capable of interfering with the INEC portal. It is claimed that this infrared-driven software has been pre-configured to alter the election data once Obaseki gains access to the relevant systems. The people of Edo State, having participated in a democratic process, are being alerted to remain vigilant and to resist any last-minute attempts to undermine the integrity of the election.”
In a tensed political season like the one in Edo State, aftermath of the September 21 governorship, deliberate falsehood, and unverified and unsubstantiated allegations will fly around in attempts to smear and disorient opponents, and sway or influence members of the tribunal hearing the election petitions.
But election petitions aren’t decided or won on social media – as the 2023 General Election has starkly shown – but at the tribunal before which must be placed verifiable facts and figures, and convincing arguments for an informed decision. So, the parties to the petitions should set sight on the ball, and leave shadow-boxing that belonged in the campaign period!
Opinion
On Yahaya Bello: What Does Gov Ododo Really Want?

By Yushau A. Shuaib
My first encounter with Usman Ododo occurred at PRNigeria Centre Abuja in February 2021, exactly four years ago, when he sought strategic communication supports for Governor Yahaya Bello’s aspirations. He portrayed a committed and loyal aide, yet I found it peculiar that he never mentioned his own political ambitions.
It was through our legal adviser, the now Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) Yunus Abdulsalam, who accompanied him, that I learned Ododo was likely to be the anointed candidate of then-Governor Yahaya Bello.
At the time, I struggled to understand how Yahaya Bello—a charismatic and high-profile governor—could endorse someone who struck me as remarkably humble and reserved, lacking the typical boastfulness and vainglory associated with Nigerian politicians. As the Auditor General for Local Governments, Usman Ododo had never served as a flamboyant commissioner in a lucrative ministry or as the chief executive of a prominent state agency.
Despite his low political profile, I later learned that he had been quietly supporting philanthropic initiatives through various groups and individuals, benefiting communities across the state. Interestingly, these efforts were often perceived as coming from Yahaya Bello himself, likely due to Ododo’s evident admiration for the governor.
A few days later, I received an invitation from a respected media colleague to attend a press engagement with Governor Yahaya Bello.
This encounter later became the subject of my article, “Governor Yahaya Bello for President of Nigeria?” In it, I reflected on our earlier acquaintance when he served as a National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) member and was subsequently offered automatic employment at the Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC). At the time, I served as Head of Press and Public Relations from 1999 to 2005.
I noticed Bello’s intense publicity push, especially regarding his controversial stance on the COVID-19 pandemic, which he infamously downplayed as a “glorified malaria.” He consistently defied safety measures, opposed vaccination efforts, and countered public health narratives—actions that attracted significant media attention, similar to former U.S. President Donald Trump.
Despite facing a barrage of criticisms from formidable opposition forces both within and outside the state, which often cast him as a controversial figure and undermined his notable strides and achievements in empowerment, revenue generation, infrastructure development, and other areas, Yahaya Bello as an achiever remains one of the most misunderstood governors of the Buhari era.
During the meeting, I informed Yahaya Bello of Usman Ododo’s support for his presidential aspirations. In response, the governor smiled and downplayed Ododo’s role, saying, “Watch out for that guy… he is a perfect candidate for the future.”
Intrigued, I began researching Ododo’s background. Born on January 1, 1978, in Okene, he pursued academics at the Federal Polytechnic Bida, where he earned both a National Diploma and a Higher National Diploma in Accounting, later obtaining a B.Sc. in Accounting (Forensic) from Achievers University, Owo. His professional trajectory included positions as Assistant Manager of Revenue at the Power Holding Company of Nigeria (PHCN) and Finance Manager at the National Power Training Institute of Nigeria (NAPTIN). In 2016, Governor Yahaya Bello appointed him Auditor General of Local Governments in Kogi State. His financial management and compliance expertise earned him memberships in esteemed organisations such as the Nigeria Institute of Management (NIM), the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria (ICAN), and the Chartered Institute of Taxation of Nigeria.
While serving as Auditor General, Ododo was nominated as the gubernatorial candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and subsequently won the 2024 governorship election at age 46.
A defining aspect of Ododo’s character is his unwavering loyalty, humility, and sincerity. His deep allegiance to Bello has drawn both admiration and criticism. Many believe Bello’s endorsement of Ododo was a calculated move intended to preserve his political legacy and influence within the state.
As governor, Usman Ododo has demonstrated remarkable loyalty to his predecessor, even going so far as to assist Bello in evading scrutiny and arrest, as reported. Ododo’s administration largely mirrors Bello’s policies, emphasizing strong alignment with his predecessor’s political interests.
In a nation where anointed candidates often turn against their benefactors, Ododo’s steadfast loyalty to Yahaya Bello stands out as exceptional. His readiness to confront federal agencies, such the Economic and Financial Commission (EFCC), raises questions about his priorities. This loyalty is not merely political; it appears personal and calculated, though it comes with risks of potential political isolation and damage to reputation.
Despite not being particularly outspoken or inclined to grant press interviews, Ododo has been quietly impacting the state through infrastructure development, reconciliation with opposition groups, and fostering peaceful coexistence.
A recent executive summary of a monthly PRNigeria media review on Kogi State highlights a mix of positive efforts, security challenges, and political developments. The report indicates that Ododo’s administration is commended for budgetary allocations, welfare initiatives, and infrastructural projects, although security threats and political controversies dominate public discourse. The report suggested that strengthening security, project implementation and judicious utilisation of resources and strategic media relations will be vital for sustaining positive public perception and effective governance.
Meanwhile, to gauge the sentiments of Kogi indigenes, I consulted Mojeed Dahiru, a respected public commentator and columnist from Okene. He commented, “Ododo has a peaceful disposition… he views himself as a governor for all, striving to build consensus among political leaders, ethnic groups, and religious communities, even engaging with the opposition.”
Similarly, I reached out to Haruna Abdullahi Haruspice, a renowned social media influencer and Igala chieftaincy titleholder, to gain insight into Ododo’s leadership style. While praising the governor, Haruspice noted that he demonstrates a humane approach to leadership, marked by remarkable humility, particularly in the face of adversity and hostile environments. Moreover, he highlighted Ododo’s promising prospects for ensuring equitable distribution of government interventions across the state.
An Abuja-based youth activist, Shuaibu Omoolowo, described Usman Ododo as a leader who has demonstrated the potential to steer Kogi State toward a prosperous future. He noted that while Ododo remains loyal to the former Governor, who continues to serve as a guiding figure in his career, Bello’s influence does not interfere with his decision-making, allowing him to take independent actions and lead with autonomy.
Despite the commendations, concerns persist regarding perceived favoritism or nepotism, especially in appointments and resource allocation from some quarters.
The pathway ahead for Governor Usman Ododo requires a careful balance between loyalty and the democratic ideals of accountability to the people of Kogi State.
Someone once posed a simple yet profound question that remains unanswered: “In loyalty to Yahaya Bello, what does Ododo really want?”
Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of An Encounter with the Spymaster.” yashuaib@yashuaib.com
Opinion
Crusoe Osagie: The Kleptomaniac Propagandist of a Failed Governor

By Fred Itua
Crusoe Osagie, the mouthpiece of Godwin Obaseki, has once again exposed himself as nothing more than a desperate liar scrambling to whitewash eight years of abject failure. His latest outburst against Governor Okpebholo is not just laughable—it is the last kick of a drowning man trying to defend a political disaster.
Let’s be clear: Obaseki’s reign was a catastrophic betrayal of the people of Edo State. And Osagie, his attack dog, is nothing but a paid town crier peddling falsehoods in broad daylight.
Who is Crusoe Osagie, and why should anyone take him seriously? The former head of government media, who was often evasive, too busy to engage with journalists except when money is involved, and rarely available to highlight the administration’s ‘achievements’, has suddenly found his voice. Now, he appears to be an attention seeker—a political opportunist in search of relevance.
This is the same man who, in 2016, swore on his ancestors’ grave that Senator Adams Oshiomhole’s vision must be sustained through Obaseki. The same Osagie who, in 2020, turned around and called Oshiomhole all sort of unprintable names. Today, he is singing another tune because he has lost relevance.
Let’s break down the nonsense Osagie is laboring hard to sell.
1. Why is Obaseki Afraid of an Audit?
If Obaseki has nothing to hide, why is he so terrified of assets verification? Why is Osagie screaming like a guilty child caught stealing meat from the pot? Governor Okpebholo is simply asking for a review of how Edo’s assets were handled. But instead of providing facts, Osagie is jumping like a rattled rat.
We all know why.
The so-called “private-sector investments” were nothing but a front for Obaseki and his cronies to grab State assets. Lands meant for the public were cornered by friends of government under the guise of development projects.
The Benin Central Hospital was not just shut down—it was looted and converted for Obaseki’s selfish ambitions. What exactly is Obaseki hiding? Crusoe Osagie, go and tell your boss that no amount of wailing will stop the truth from coming out.
2. Osagie, You Want to Talk About Governance? Let’s Talk!
Osagie claimed that Okpebholo has failed in 90 days. Did he forget that his boss, Obaseki, spent his first tenure blaming Oshiomhole for everything under the sun? It took Obaseki two years to build a single road, yet Osagie wants us to judge Okpebholo in three months?
Obaseki spent eight years running Edo like a private empire, disrespecting elders, sidelining lawmakers, and fighting everyone.
Under Obaseki, public servants were treated like slaves—civil servants went years without promotions, and pensioners were left to die in frustration. Yet Osagie wants us to clap for failure. Never!
3. Benin Central Hospital: A Monument to Obaseki’s Wickedness
Osagie had the audacity to justify the destruction of the Benin Central Hospital. According to him, a renowned, historic hospital was shut down so that Obaseki could build a museum. A museum!
So, in Obaseki’s mind, tourists are more important than sick Edo citizens? Instead of fixing the health sector, he turned hospitals into political projects for his godless agenda.
Stella Obasanjo Hospital was underfunded, yet Osagie wants us to believe that Edo’s healthcare improved? This is pure wickedness. And only a soulless propagandist like Crusoe Osagie would dare to justify it.
4. Edo’s Debt Crisis: The Lies and the Facts
Crusoe assumed Edo people have forgotten? Let’s talk about the debt mess that his boss left behind.
Edo’s debt skyrocketed under Obaseki because he accessed reckless loans under the guise of investments. The State’s revenue remained stagnant, meaning Obaseki was borrowing money with no plan to pay it back.
Osagie wants us to believe that currency fluctuations are to blame? Then why are other States managing their finances better? Obaseki left Edo drowning in debt, and you think we will let that slide?
5. Radisson Hotel Scam—A National Disgrace
We have not forgotten about the Radisson Hotel scandal. Obaseki dubiously accessed State funds, built a hotel, and then handed it to “private investors.” Who are these investors? What process was used in selecting these briefcase investors? Why was Obaseki in a dubious hurry in the twilight of his satanic administration to conclude the hostile sell-off?
This was another well-orchestrated heist. But Edo people are watching.
6. The Betrayal of Edo Youths
Since Osagie loves to talk about governance, let’s talk about how his boss betrayed Edo youths.
He promised jobs, but delivered mass unemployment—the so-called EdoJobs program was a joke. He destroyed transport unions, leaving thousands of young people stranded without work. He turned Edo into a land of suffering while his own family and friends enjoyed State resources.
What legacy are you defending, Osagie? The legacy of hunger, hardship, and hopelessness?
Crusoe Osagie is nothing but an irresponsible, shameless and a political jobber trying to remain relevant. Known among journalists in Edo State as a petty tyrant who turned the Government House Press Unit into his personal estate, and used government powers to suppress and oppress them, his rant against Okpebholo is not about Edo—it is about his desperation to keep eating from Obaseki’s stolen wealth.
But Edo people have moved on. The era of lies is over. The era of propaganda is over. The era of deception is over and never again will Edo State experience an Obaseki nor Edo Journalists come in contact with an Osagie Crusoe – the sadist, kleptomaniac attack dog of a failed governor
*Crusoe can cry from now till 2027, but Obaseki’s legacy remains what it is: a complete disaster.*
*Fred Itua is the Chief Press Secretary to Edo State Governor.*
Opinion
This is not the time to play with the educational system in Nigeria

By Dr. Olu Agunloye. 7 February 2025
It is disturbing that the current Administration of President Bola Tinubu is considering or making or attempting to make cosmetic changes in the educational systems which is already in near comatose state? Nigerians have seen too many ephemera un-progressive changes in the educational sector, and now they are only yearning for value-added and well thought out developmental changes, not superficial or cosmetic changes.
In the 40s and 50s, children were not allowed to start the elementary school except they were “mature”, averagely, like from 12 years of age or older. This bogus age barrier shifted down gradually. For me, personally, as an omo tisa, I started school at the age of 8 years in the old Western Region of Nigeria. My sister, Modupe, even started at six years of age. The elementary school system then was changing from Class 1 to 7 to Pry I to VI. I started at Class 1 in 1954 and was promoted from Class 3 in 1956 to Pry III in 1957 and graduated elementary school in 1960. You could see how I lost one year because of the system change. After completing the elementary school, I entered the era of changing the 6-year secondary school system to a 5-year system with a 2-year Higher Secondary Certificate (HSC) school and three years to graduate at the university. I was lucky to start Form 1 in a secondary school that was already on the 5-year programme. Several other secondary schools were still on the 6-year programme for another six years to my knowledge.
On the national scene, the Pry-[Sec]-Tertiary system changed from 7-[6-2]-3, that is, 18 years to graduate to 6-[5-2]-3 or 6-[5]-4, that is, 16 years or 15 years to graduate starting from the elementary school. This system further changed for the next generation to 6-[3-3]-4, that is, 16 years to graduate at the university level, and now, the President Tinubu Administration is changing to a new system of 12-4 for the new generation in a way that appears not well-thought out.
Nigerian leaders in the past introduced the three-year Modern School subsystem after the elementary school and the HSC system, a two-year course after the 5- or 6-year secondary school system followed by a 3- or 4-year tertiary education at the University. All these pointed to the fact that our leaders were only striving to look for an appropriately well-suited educational system. Those changes were traumatic for pupils, and they disrupted the career paths of quite a number of young people. Couple of decades later and many presidencies after, Nigeria has yet not got it right.
Unfortunately, in 2025, the Tinubu Administration appears not yet able to get a firm grip on appropriate reforms in the educational sector. The new or proposed system still gets children to graduate in 16 years if they don’t quit. But, unlike the current system being replaced which lets you get out of the educational conveyor belt at three intermediate junctions, after Pry 6, or JSS3 or SS3, this new system is designed for only one exit, the Secondary School or the O’ Level exit for those who won’t complete at the tertiary level. The Tinubu government has not yet revealed the fundamental improvements, the benefits and the novel contents in the new 12-year basic education system that will make it better than the 6-3-3-4 system. We hope that the real advantages of the new system are not limited to the savings that the Government will make from conducting only one exit-examination instead of three.
Children are expected to get into formal learning process as early as four years of age and remain on the chain of educational processes until they can pick up a vocation and make contributions to own livelihood, the community and the nation. The irreducible minimum we expect in Nigeria is for generations of children and young people to get progressively better values, better ethics, and better learning environments from the educational system. For now, we await all these to unfold under the Administration of President Bola Tinubu.
Good News? As I was pondering on the yet to be revealed benefits of this new educational system announced by Government other than the arumoje savings from dodging exit examinations and certifications that are necessary and imperative, I came across a desirable denial from the Honourable Minister of Education saying, “The proposal seeks to migrate to 12 years of compulsory education while retaining the current 6-3-3 structure.”
Pray, why should Government advertise a proposal still in the works? Would they have had time for this if they had squarely faced the numerous challenges in the educational system that had been systematically degraded over the years. We wait.
Dr. Olu Agunloye,
… writing from Abuja, holds a bachelor’s degree and a doctorate degree in Physics from the University of Ibadan, as well as a Master’s degree in Applied Geophysics from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) in Cambridge, USA. He was the Pioneer Corps Marshal of FRSC, former Special Adviser to Hon. Attorney General of the Federation, former Minister of Defence (Navy), former Minister of Power and Steel, and currently the National Secretary of the Social Democratic Party, SDP.
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