***The Korean Peninsula’s Future in German Reunification

Since Germany’s peaceful reunification on October 3, 1990, the concept of “preparation for reunification” has become a significant part of South Korean discourse.
For South Korea, which has long aspired to reunite with the North, Germany’s experience serves as a dual source of shame for not achieving reunification and hope that Korea might follow in Germany’s footsteps.

The post-reunification integration process in Germany demonstrates that achieving reunification is a long-term undertaking that cannot rely solely on economic integration; social and cultural integration are equally vital.
Germany’s integration can broadly be divided into two phases: the first half focused on economic integration, while the second half exposed deeper issues in social and cultural integration, largely due to the incomplete embedding of democracy.

In the aftermath of reunification, over 9 million economically active East Germans faced unemployment, leading to a profound existential crisis. Initially, the urgency of resolving economic issues overshadowed internal conflicts within the newly unified Germany. The reunification, led by West Germany, treated East Germany as an illegal state under the Stasi regime, making it difficult for East Germans to voice their concerns early on.
This suppression led to the build-up of social and cultural conflicts, and as Ralf Dahrendorf predicted in 1990, the transplanted democratic system displayed instability under both internal and external pressures.

The 2024 state elections in Saxony and Thuringia, both part of the former East Germany, revealed significant political shifts. The far-right populist party, Alternative for Germany (AfD), emerged as a major force, becoming the second-largest party in Saxony and the largest in Thuringia.
In Thuringia, the AfD secured over one-third of the seats, allowing it to veto important decisions. Conversely, Die Linke, the successor to East Germany’s Communist Party, faced a dramatic decline, garnering only 4.5% of the vote, threatening its parliamentary presence.

This political transformation in former East Germany suggests a society evolving into something distinct from its past. Perspectives like that of Professor D. Oschmann, who described East Germany as a “West German invention,” persist, framing reunified Germany as a continuous conflict between East and West.

Through its reunification, Germany not only provides South Korea with a vision of potential unification for the Korean Peninsula but also reflects the current reality of division through its own historical experiences.
North Korean leader Kim Jong-un has publicly shifted the narrative regarding inter-Korean relations. During a Central Committee plenary meeting on December 30, 2023, he declared that these relations are now characterized as “a hostilerelationship between two states” rather than between compatriots.
This stance was reinforced during the Supreme People’s Assembly on January 15, 2024, where he asserted that the concepts of “unification” and “compatriots” should be entirely eliminated.

This shift in North Korea’s position mirrors East Germany’s historical response to West Germany’s overtures.
When West German Chancellor Willy Brandt, on October 28, 1969, renounced the claim to sole representation of Germany and effectively recognized East Germany as a state, he emphasized the need to “maintain national unity” for future reunification.
East Germany, in turn, asserted the existence of two separate nations, framing West Germany as a capitalist state and itself as a socialist one.

As South Korea contemplates its path to reunification, the lessons drawn from Germany’s experiences—both the possibilities and the challenges—will be crucial in shaping its future strategy toward the North.
The historical parallels suggest that while economic considerations are essential, understanding the social and cultural dimensions of integration will be key to achieving a harmonious reunification on the Korean Peninsula.