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Edo 2024: Finally, Edo people have spoken with their PVCs

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By Ehichioya Ezomon

As you read this copy, the results, and the winner of Saturday, September 21, 2024, governorship election in Edo State is known – and declared as such by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) – in one of the most contentious campaigns that put the electoral umpire in the eyes of the voting and non-voting publics in Edo, the entire Nigeria and the global community.
I crave your indulgence to describe the INEC announcement on Sunday evening, September 22, 2024, as both “BREAKING” and “OFFICIAL” declaring the candidate of the main opposition All Progressives Congress (APC), Senator Monday Okpebholo, as winner of the poll, and returning him as the “Governor-Elect” of Edo State.
Okpebholo (APC, Edo Central) won the fiercely-contested balloting in a landslide in 11 local government areas (LGAs), and scored 291,667 votes, to defeat the candidate of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the state, Dr Asue Ighodalo, who won in 7 LGAs, and polled 247,274 votes to place second.
The declaration of Okpebholo as Governor-Elect and his running mate, Hon. Dennis Idahosa (APC, Ovia Federal Constituency), as Deputy Governor-Elect, comes as a test for INEC on the back of calls by PDP governors – led by Adamawa State Governor Umar Fintiri – for the commission to postpone the announcement for a review of reported rigging of the election by the APC.
However, the only reason INEC can’t declare a winner is if the election is inconclusive by virtue of none of the parties meeting the legal requirements for a decisive win, or the process was flawed such that the electoral umpire needs to review the outcome before taking a definitive action within seven days allowed by the laws, regulations and guidelines to so do.
Indeed, there appeared to be a “k-leg” (a problem) with the poll results that were bandied on social media – even when actual results were yet to be announced in many polling units, and collation done at the ward level – claiming that Ighodalo of the PDP had won the election.
The PDP further alleged that the APC – in connivance with the INEC’s Resident Electoral Commissioner (REC) for Edo, Mr Anugbum Onuoha – wanted to “switch Ighodalo’s victory” to Okpebholo, hence the postponement of collation of the results at the state INEC headquarters in Benin City.
This prompted Edo State Governor Godwin Obaseki – accompanied by Ighodalo – to storm the centre, to “force” the officials to continue the collation throughout the night of Saturday, September 21. But after almost four hours, Obaseki’s literally “walked out” of the place by security operatives.
Nonetheless, a careful perusal of the “poll results” on social media – as posted by PREMIUM TIMES – indicates that they’re almost a replica of the 2020 governorship results, which returned Obaseki to his second term in office. 
For example, how can the so-called “2024 poll results” be the same as the 2020 results from Owan East, Etsako Central, Etsako East, Etsako West and Akoko-Edo local government areas, respectively? This is kind of confusion sowed in a desperate “do-or-die affair” to win the election. 
Interestingly overnight at the weekend, there’s jubilation at the APC Situation Room in Benin City, and across Edo State: that the election had returned Okpebholo as the “Governor-in-waiting” even as the collation of results would commence at 10:00am on Sunday, September 22. In tow were seven APC Governors – reportedly on ground in Benin City – who joined in the celebrations.
Meanwhile, the poll controversy stemmed from a roller-coaster kind of vile and vicious electioneering, characterised by inflammatory and inciting rhetoric, insults, mockery, blackmail, harassments, intimidation, threats and physical attacks, resulting in destruction of opposing political parties’ campaign materials and structures, members’ and supporters’ businesses, and injuries and deaths in several instances. 
The height of the bloody campaign was the broad daylight assassination attempt on the candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Senator Monday Okpebholo (APC, Edo Central), and reinstated Deputy Governor Philip Shaibu on July 18, 2024, in the vicinity of the Benin Airport, in Benin City, capital city of Edo State.
The alleged political thugs – who waylaid the joint convoy of Okpebholo and Shaibu, as they arrived at the airport from Abuja amid jubilation by their supporters – succeeded in killing Okpebholo’s chief security detail, Inspector Akor Onuh, and injuring three police escorts, and several persons, including Okpebholo.
Over two months after, there’s no reported headway in the police investigation into the dastardly act, save a reaction by the Inspector-General of Police (IGP), Kayode Egbetokun, to the allegation by Edo State Governor Godwin Obaseki and his ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the state, that the police, under the direction of Mr Egbetokun, had arrested and detained 10 PDP members in Abuja, Nigeria’s capital city.
Though Egbetokun denied knowledge of the arrest and detention of the PDP members, saying that, “I am aware that individuals, who committed crimes and political violence in the state, have been arrested,” an Abuja court on Thursday, September 19, reportedly “granted bail” to the 10 PDP detainees.
The killing of Okpebholo’s police orderly, Inspector Onuh, and subsequent arrest and detention of 10 PDP members prompted the refusal of the PDP to sign the Peace Accord facilitated by the National Peace Committee (NPC) on September 12 in Benin City, committing the political parties, their candidates and supporters to an orderly and peaceful conduct before, during and after the election. The APC, which’d earlier withdrawn from signing the accord, citing a lack or none progress of the police investigation into the murder of Onuh, eventually appended the peace deal.
Despite signing the accord, politicians and political thugs still upped their antics to manipulate the electoral process. From the last day of the campaigns on September 19 – when the INEC started the distribution of sensitive materials to the local government areas – through the eve of the election on September 20, rival parties were engaged in several unnervy and underhand incidents to upend or tilt the poll in their favour.
There’re reports of APC political thugs – as broached by the state government through a press conference by the Commissioner for Information, Mr Chris Nehikhare, in Benin City on September 20 – trying to seize control of the Oredo local government area’s office of the INEC, but were resisted by military personnel. Yet, the thugs laid siege around the facility, “to prevent a rival party (PDP) from jijacking the sentive materials to rig the poll.” Similar sieges to INEC offices were reported in Esan West and Etsako West local government areas.
The candidate of the Labour Party, Mr Olumide Akpata, received a rude shock on September 20, with reports that he’d “stepped down” his governorship bid, and “endorsed” the candidate of the PDP, Dr Asue Ighodalo. But Akpata quickly rebutted the viral reports as “false, wicked and baseless,” and “unequivocally” declared that he remained in the race to win on Saturday.
  * On September 20, Prince Henry Okojie, a member representing Esan North-East/Esan South-East Federal Constituency of Edo State, reportedly escaped assassination – foiled by the timely intervention of police personnel attached to him – at his residence in Uromi, headquarters of Esan North-East. Hon. Okojie’s the Edo Central coordinator for the APC Governorship Campaign Council.
 Another attempt by the APC to disqualify PDP’s candidate, Dr Ighodalo, from the governorship poll failed on September 20, when an Abuja Federal High Court, via Justice Peter Lifu, dismissed the suit – which also runs in another court in Abuja – as “frivolous, baseless, and unwarranted,” describing the APC as a “busy body and a meddlesome interloper.”
 Similarly, attempts by a litigant to prevent the APC candidate, Senator Okpebholo, from presenting himself at Saturday’s election was thwarted by an Abuja High Court, through Justice O.C. Agbaza, who granted Okpebholo leave to file for a judicial review of a “criminal summons” issued against him by Magistrate Abubakar Mukhtar, over alleged forgery of his (Okpebholo’s) name. Okpebholo, who’s to appear before Magistrate Muktar by noon on September 20, averred he’d rectified the anomaly at the Supreme Court registry.
This and other issues preceded the poll that reportedly started early in many polling stations across Edo State, amid a poor weather forcast the previous day that actually resulted in a downpour, with enthusiastic voters covering themselves with umbrellas or donning raincoats, while waiting in long queues to accredit and cast their ballots, which ended officially at 3:00pm on Saturday.
The importance of the election was symbolised by a septuagenarian, Fatima Jimoh, who left her sick bed to vote. Aided by her daughter, Ms Jimoh said she wanted to “make Oshiomhole happy” by ensuirng his party (APC) won the polls. After voting at Unit 3, Ward 10, Iyhamo Primary School, Jimoh said, “I am not feeling well. I like Oshiomhole. I come out of illness to vote,” as The Nation reported.
Some observers monitoring the election expressed satisfaction with the early movement of election materials across the state, and also commended the security put in place “to ensure the safety of both the materials, electoral staff and the voters.”
Executive Director, Partners for Electoral Reforms and Board member, YIAGA Africa, Ezenwa Nwagu, praised the INEC for the “smooth and early distribution” of sensitive and non-sensitive materials across polling units statewide. At Ward 12, Agbado Primary School, in Benin city, Nwagu said the process was a far cry from previous situations where materials left for polling units late, resulting in late commencement of polls.
“We have monitored the transportation of the materials from the RACs to polling units, and we are pleased with the organised and timeliness of the operation so far,” Nwagu said, even as the Chairman of Connected Development (CODE), Hamza Lawal, said “INEC has adhered to its promise of early deployment of election materials, which is a critical factor in ensuring a free, fair, and credible election.”
“The early movement of materials to polling units is particularly commendable, as it shows the commission’s commitment to a credible process, and we expect that this is replicated across the board,” Lawal said.
However, there’re some hitches that dented INEC’s roll out across the state, particularly in Ewohimi in Esan South-East, Owan in Owan West, and Jattu in Etsako West local government areas. The INEC officials and materials arrived in Ighodalo’s Okaegben ward one, unit 3 in Ewohimi at 10:30am, exactly the same time as the PDP candidate.
Condemning the alleged arrest of some PDP members in Uromi, Esan North-East, the late arrival of election materials in Owan West, and “APC supporters of doing unimaginable things,” Ighodalo told reporters: “As you can see, INEC officials and materials just arrived and they are well over two hours late. Well, we are still well around the allocated time for voting; let us see what we can achieve between now and close of voting hours,” adding, “it will only be fair if the voting hours are extended by the numbers of hours lost.”
Ighodalo expressed dissatisfaction with the process that delayed the materials, saying: “This is a single state election. INEC has all the time to prepare. We are not comfortable with the little shenanigans that is going on particularly from the APC guys. There are rumours that they are trying to undermine the election process. 
“Many of them have been caught with ballot papers, PVCs. The worst is that they go round trying to buy votes. They buy vote for 15-20 thousand (naira). They are trying everything to subvert the process.
“The kind of numbers I am hearing from Edo North, Edo Central, Edo South, overwhelms me. You know in Nigeria, funny things happen. I don’t know the magic anybody wants to perform. I believe INEC to deliver free and fair election until they prove otherwise. We will win hands down in this election.
“We are not happy about a few ongoings in some places, but we will remain confident. One of our supporters was arrested at Uromi by some people with security outfit. How come it’s only PDP supporters that have been arrested? Every day you see APC supporters doing imaginable things. But nobody arrests them. Nobody investigates them.
“We will win this election by (a) landslide and move our state forward by God’s grace. If there is anybody at home, please come out and cast your vote. We are not worried. We have spent 10 months talking to people, telling them what we will do for them if they elect us. The people believed us and have accepted us all over the state. I don’t know the magic anybody will perform.” Vanguard reported the session with Ighodalo.
Voting was delayed at unit 5, ward 11, at Azama Primary School, Jattu, in Etsako West, as the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) malfunctioned, preventing voters, including reinstated Deputy Governor Philip Shaibu, from casting their ballots.
As of 12:10pm, Shaibu, who’s yet to vote, along with many voters, “who had gathered early to exercise their civic rights,” expressed his disappointment but remained hopeful. “We have been here since, and the machine is not working,” he said. “Reports from other units in this local government indicate they are not having this issue – it’s only here,” he told reporters.
Refraining from labelling the the malfunction of the  BVAS as a sabotage, Shaibu added: “The INEC officer assured us that they would bring another functioning machine and extend the voting time to enable us to cast our votes. I can see that they are working on it.” Shaibu eventually voted after seven hours of waiting at 3:00pm when voting had been concluded in virtually other polling units at the sprawling centre.
The INEC was to extend the voting time in areas where the exercise commenced late. In a statement on Saturday, INEC’s National Commissioner Mohammed Haruna, said: “Our monitoring indicates early commencement of polls in many Polling Units, but there are also reports of late commencement in some locations.
“To ensure that no voter is disenfranchised, the Commission wishes to reiterate that, in line with our Regulations and Guidelines, voting will be extended wherever it commenced late and will continue until the last voter in the queue, who arrived at the Polling Unit by 2:30pm, has voted.”
As of the time of filing this article on Saturday evening, the poll had closed in most polling units, and results were coming in trickles from the 192 wards and 18 local government areas of the state. It wasn’t clear at the time, which direction the pendulum would swing in Edo North of six local government areas of Akoko-Edo, Etsako Central, Etsako East, Etsako West, Owan East and Owan West that’s a stronghold of the APC.
The same scenario prevailed in Edo South senatorial district, comprising Egor, Ikpoba-Okha, Oredo, Orhionmwon, Uhunmwode, Ovia East and Ovia South-West – which’s the largest voter turnout of over 55% of registered voters in Edo State, and overwhelmingly voted for PDP in the 2020 governorship election.
Edo Central senatorial district of Esan Central, Esan North-East, Esan South-East, Esan West, and Igueben – longtime zone for PDP – switched camps to the APC in the 2023 General Election, producing Senator Okpebholo. In Edo 2024, the district presented two fundamentally contrasting leading candidates of the PDP and APC in Ighodalo and Okpebholo, respectively.
However, about 5:00pm on Saturday, the INEC had reportedly released (uploaded) 62 per cent of the results from the election on its Result Viewing (IReV) portal. A visit to the IReV website by The Nation revealed that 2,809 results, out of 4,519 polling units where elections were conducted in the state, had been uploaded for real-time access to the public, for transparency of the electoral process.
And snippets from the IReV – and unconfirmed, but declared results at polling units by INEC officials – indicated that the APC’s leading in Edo North; the PDP and APC were leading in Edo South; while reports from Edo Central were mixed.
The titanic battle among the big three political parties of PDP, APC and LP in Saturday’s election had never been higher, and the question now is: Will the losing parties among them accept the INEC declaration? That’s a rare occurrence in Nigeria’s politics! 
Let’s wait and see, as the INEC has a statutory seven-day window to review the outcome of the election, to see if it conformed to the laws, regulations and guidelines for the conduct of elections in the country!

Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria

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Opinion

Tax Reforms Bill: Addressing Legacy Laws, Streamlining Administration, and Balancing Derivation Concerns

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Yisa Usman

By Yisa Usman FCA, FCTI

The proposed tax reforms mark a transformative moment in Nigeria’s fiscal evolution, focusing on modernization and addressing challenges rooted in outdated pre-colonial tax laws and redundant systems that burden businesses and individuals. These reforms aim to streamline tax administration and improve Value Added Tax (VAT) processes, providing a pathway toward equitable revenue distribution and fiscal decentralization. However, while the potential benefits are substantial, addressing significant challenges and equity concerns is critical to ensuring the reforms achieve their objectives.

A comparative analysis of Nigeria’s tax system against those of countries like Kenya, the United States, and other nations with comparable political structures reveals stark disparities that emphasize the critical need for reform. These nations have leveraged robust tax frameworks to achieve significant economic growth, foster local economic activities, and ensure a more equitable distribution of national resources, outcomes that starkly contrast with Nigeria’s performance. In Nigeria, outdated legislation, inadequate tax assessment and recovery system, and systemic corruption have created inefficiencies and exacerbated inequalities. The lack of effective mechanisms to optimize tax revenue further hampers the nation’s fiscal sustainability and economic competitiveness, making comprehensive reform an urgent necessity.

Nigeria’s reliance on antiquated tax laws has long hindered administrative efficiency and equitable resource allocation. These reforms seek to modernize the tax framework, aligning it with global best practices to foster economic development and decentralization. Key objectives include streamlining administration to eliminate duplicative tax practices, centralizing data to enhance accuracy in tax derivation and remittance, and empowering states to take greater responsibility for revenue generation and allocation, in line with the principles of fiscal federalism.

The proposed increase in derivation weight from 20% to 60% introduces a dual-edged dynamic. On the one hand, it incentivizes states to boost local economic activities and align revenue allocation with consumption patterns. On the other hand, it raises concerns about exacerbating existing inequalities, with states like Lagos, Ogun, Rivers and Kano poised to benefit disproportionately due to their robust economic bases, while resource-poor states may face disadvantages.

The reforms are supported by compelling arguments, including their potential to decentralize economic development by motivating states to leverage local resources and attract investments. The allocation of a larger revenue share to states promises improved infrastructure and public services, particularly in states that prioritize economic growth. Additionally, by leveraging technology to track consumption patterns, the reforms should enhance transparency and fiscal responsibility.

Nonetheless, the reforms face significant challenges. A heavy reliance on derivation risks marginalizing less affluent states, deepening socio-economic disparities. The reforms’ implementation will require extensive data collection and systemic upgrades, posing logistical and financial challenges. Furthermore, the reduction in population-based allocations from 30% to 20% could generate social and political tensions in densely populated states struggling to meet citizens’ needs.

To balance these opportunities and risks, several recommendations are essential. First, the derivation weight increase should be phased in, starting with a modest adjustment from 20% to say 30%-40%, allowing states and corporations to adapt gradually. Second, a centralized, dynamically updated tax database is critical for accurate derivation tracking and dispute reduction. Third, a revenue equalization mechanism, such as a stabilization fund, can support economically weaker states during the transition. Fourth, capacity-building initiatives should equip state tax authorities with the necessary skills and resources to manage the new system effectively. Fifth, standardized procedures for VAT collection, derivation tracking, and dispute resolution should be established to ensure consistency across states. Finally, fostering public engagement with stakeholders, including state governments, businesses, and civil society, will promote transparency, address concerns, and build collective ownership of the reforms.

These reforms not only resolve immediate administrative inefficiencies but also lay the foundation for a more equitable and sustainable fiscal system. By addressing pre-independence legacy laws and fostering economic accountability, Nigeria has an opportunity to position itself for inclusive growth, ensuring all states contribute to and benefit from national development. However, achieving these outcomes requires a careful balance between incentivizing derivation-based revenue sharing and providing mechanisms to support resource-poor states. With a focus on equity and efficiency, the reforms can establish a tax system that empowers businesses, strengthens states, and improves the living standards of citizens across the federation.

Yisa Usman is a Fellow of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria (ICAN), a Fellow of the Chartered Institute of Taxation of Nigeria (CITN), and a doctoral candidate at the Nigerian Defence Academy, Kaduna

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Opinion

EFCC vs Bello: Trivialising corruption allegations

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By Ehichioya Ezomon

In my November 18, 2024, article entitled, “That ‘fake’ Sanwo-Olu vs EFCC suit: Whodunit it? Who sponsored it?” I held that snapets from the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) moves to investigate, arrest, detain and prosecute ex-governors “are telegraphed a few months or weeks before they bow out of office,” so giving them the jitters to “either begin to express being squeaky clean, alleging political witch-hunt or daring the EFCC to carry out its threat to make them account for their stewardship.” 
I however observed that lately, the anti-graft agency’s threat against former governors “has become mostly academic, and the norm rather than the exception,” adding that, “it appears some ex-governors now relish being dragged by the EFCC, at least, as a way to keeping themselves in the news after missing the years of free spotlighting.”
Former Governor Yahaya Bello of Kogi State has mostly proved these assertions right, even as he finally presented himself to the EFCC for “arrest and detention,” and arraignment and prosecution for alleged looting of Kogi’s resources during his eight-year tenure in office (2016-2024).
For months, Bello’s engaged in a hide-and-seek, only to suddenly show up at the EFCC headquarters in Abuja on September 18, and yet wasn’t booked, interrogated, or detained – as he’s on the wanted list of the agency and the courts – but with the commission reportedly asking him to leave and come back at a later date. Why?
EFCC’s intel reportedly indicated that Bello’s prepared for a showdown, having allegedly stormed the premises with armed details. Thus, the authorities tactically allowed him to while away for hours in one of the offices. Indeed, EFCC’s later efforts that night to arrest Bello at the Kogi State Government Lodge in Asokoro, Abuja, were allegedly thwarted by his armed guards.
Bello, facing a couple of EFCC’s alleged fraudulent cases in courts in Abuja, continued in his disappearing act, while the commission failed in its attempts to force his trial – in absentia – before Justice Emeka Nwite on October 30 at the Federal High Court in Abuja, where Bello’s facing a 19-count charge for alleged laundering of N84bn.  
But on November 26, Bello – billed for arraignment since April 2024 – reappeared at the EFCC headquarters in Abuja, and this time, the agency “detained” him overnight in the facility he’d avoided for months, as he shunned invitations and court summons to answer for his alleged looting of resources during his governorship of ‘The Confluence State’.
And on November 27, the EFCC arraigned Bello and two others – Shuaibu Oricha and Abdulsalam Hudu – before Justice Maryanne Anenih of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) High Court in Maitama, Abuja, on a 16-count charge for conspiracy, criminal breach of trust and possession of unlawfully-obtained property, amounting to N110.4bn.
After some legal fireworks over bail for the three defendants between the lead counsel for the accused, Joseph Daudu (SAN) and the EFCC, Kemi Pinheiro (SAN), Justice Anenih adjourned ruling on the application to December 10, and directed that the defendants should remain in the EFCC custody.
This notwithstanding the EFCC administrative bail granted to Oricha and Hudu, which Pinheiro argued had expired in October, but with Daudu pointing to a fresh application of November 22, based on the fact that the defendants deserve their liberty on the presumption of innocence until they’re proven guilty, as alleged.
Meanwhile, Bello certainly was in a celebratory mood when – for the first time in over seven months of a cat-and-mouse game with the EFCC – he’s docked for the alleged N110.4bn theft of Kogi’s resources. Dressed in a pair of contact lenses, and a light sky-blue attire, Bello, amidst a throng of aides and political associates,  walked energetically through the expansive premises and into the courtroom of the FCT High Court.
As he covered the distance from the parking lot to the courtroom, Bello’s all smiles – as he turned right and waved with the right hand, and then turned left and waved with the left hand – to acknowledge greetings and cheers from his supporters, many of whom sandwiched him into the court, where he continued to return courtesies even while in the dock to plead not guilty to the charges preferred against him.
Perhaps to Bello, his arraignment was a moment to savour, and bask in the frenzy of journalists and EFCC’s operatives scrambling to capture and record his every posture and every gesture as evidence, and for prime-time broadcast and publication in the mainstream and online media.
A similar scenario played out on November 29, at the Federal High Court in Abuja, where Bello couldn’t take his plea, and had to “stand for himself” in the absence of his lead lawyer in the suit, Abdulwahab Mohammed (SAN).
With well-armed security operatives falling over themselves to dominate the court premises, Bello, with a more somber mien this time, and accompanied by aides, supporters and operatives of the EFCC, still walked briskly into the courtroom, with the door quickly closed behind him. 
Once inside, as reported by PUNCH ONLINE, Bello told trial Justice Emeka Nwite that he won’t take any plea, as he’s only made aware of his arraignment in the night of November 28, and couldn’t get across to his lawyer, Mohammed (SAN). This prompted the judge – in the interest of fair hearing – to order that Mohammed be put on notice for the adjourned date of December 13, and for Bello and his co-defendants to be reminded in the EFCC custody.
The EFCC lawyer, Pinheiro (SAN), attempted to convince Justice Nwite to commence the trial without Bello’s counsel, arguing that, “What the law requires is the presence of the defendant, not the presence of his lawyers.” 
This was reportedly a rehash of a similar argument at the sitting on October 30, when Pinheiro requested that the court proceed with the trial. Noting that two witnesses were present and ready to testify,” Pinheiro suggested that the “court enter a plea of not guilty on Bello’s behalf and commence the trial.”
But as in that prior instance, the judge turned down Pinheiro’s entreaty on November 29, citing Bello’s right to a fair hearing, and reminding the EFCC lawyer that, at the October court session, the matter was adjourned to January 21, 2025.
“The matter came up on the 30th of October 2024. It was adjourned to 21st January 2025. From the statement of the defendant, his lawyers are not aware of today’s (November 29) date. In the interest of fair hearing, I will not proceed for arraignment,” Justice Nwite said.
“This matter is peculiar in the sense that we have already agreed on a date, which is in January. It will be unfair if the matter is taken without the defendant’s counsel. It would be a different thing if the defendant had no counsel.
“Since the defendant has said his counsel is not aware of today’s proceeding, I am of the view that a bench warrant cannot be sacrificed on the altar of fair hearing. The defendant deserves to be represented by counsel,” the judge added.
After the court waited for 45 minutes, “but with no sign of the defence counsel,” Justice Nwite adjourned the matter, directed that Bello remain in the EFCC custody until the next hearing on December 13, and granted Pinheiro’s application for “new date hearing motions and possible arraignment to be served on the defendant’s counsel.”
As the clock ticks towards December 10 at the FCT High Court, and December 13 at the Federal High Court both in Abuja, will Bello and his co-defendants get a bail reprieve, or be further remanded in the EFCC custody, or sent behind bars at one of Nigeria’s capital city’s jail houses, to spend the Yuletide season there? Such would be a canny experience the ex-governor had fought strenuously for months to avoid!

Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria. Can be reached on X, Threads, Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp @EhichioyaEzomon. Tel: 08033078357

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Opinion

Nigeria’s Economic Paradox: A Growing GDP Amidst Widespread Suffering

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Peter Ameh

By Chief Ameh Peter

The National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) recently reported that Nigeria’s GDP grew by 3.46% in the third quarter of 2024. At first glance, this appears to be a promising sign of economic progress. However, the harsh realities on the ground paint a vastly different picture. Widespread hunger, inflation, unemployment, and deteriorating infrastructure reveal a nation grappling with severe economic distress.

The contrast between these glowing statistics and the lived experiences of Nigerians is stark. National grid collapses have become routine, and the condition of roads continues to worsen, with potholes increasing by 100%. Meanwhile, the naira’s value plummets, eroding the purchasing power of ordinary citizens. These realities starkly contradict the optimistic narrative suggested by the NBS figures.

As Benjamin Disraeli aptly put it, “There are three kinds of lies: lies, damned lies, and statistics.” This sentiment rings true in Nigeria’s case, where the government’s reliance on statistical data obscures the suffering of its people. The reported GDP growth is, in reality, a statistical mirage that conceals systemic failures.

At the heart of Nigeria’s economic challenges lies a deeply flawed political system. This system enables incompetent and dishonest individuals to manipulate the electoral process, ascend to power, and perpetuate a culture of corruption, cronyism, and mismanagement. These issues have stifled genuine economic progress and development.

To address these challenges, Nigeria must embark on comprehensive economic reforms focused on transparency, accountability, and good governance. Cost-cutting measures and investments in critical infrastructure—such as roads, electricity, and healthcare—are essential to creating an environment conducive to sustainable economic growth. No country can prosper without reliable power and infrastructure.

Nigeria’s economic paradox serves as a sobering reminder of the urgent need for reform. It is imperative to end the election of incompetent leaders and prioritize national interest over personal gain. The government must move beyond statistical manipulation and focus on fostering an economy that benefits all Nigerians. Only through such genuine efforts can the promise of economic growth become a reality for everyone.

Chief Ameh Peter is the
National Secretary, CUPP
Former National Chairman, IPAC and
Ex-Presidential Candidate

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