Opinion
Subversion allegation against Ajaero and NLC’s threat to shutdown Nigeria’s economy
By Ehichioya Ezomon
The August 21, 2024, edition of Vanguard highlighted reactions of local and international civil society, human rights and labour organisations to the Nigeria Police invitation to the President of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), Comrade Joe Ajaero, to appear before it on August 20, 2024, “for an interview” related to investigation of “a case of Criminal Conspiracy, Terrorism Financing, Treasonable Felony, Subversion and Cybercrime in which you have been implicated.”
Coming under the headline, “We won’t be silenced over mass suffering in Nigeria – NLC,” the subheads for the reactions include: Anger grows over Police invitation; NLC alerts global labour bodies; ITUC expresses concerns; ITUC Africa warns of dire consequences; Nigerian govt targeting NLC leaders, Amnesty International alleges; Ajaero’s invitation disturbing – Yiaga Africa; Desperate attempts to silence labour – CISLAC; We demand thorough investigation – ActionAid; Why Ajaero turned down Police invitation – Falana; and NLC directs workers to shut down economy.
Save one or two of the reactions, the responders questioned the power of the police to invite Ajaero – on the grounds of alleged political motive and design to silence public dissent to official actions that affect the masses – and warned of “dire consequences” should Ajero be arrested in the course of unearthing the grave subversive and treasonous allegations.
The responders quoted national and international laws, conventions and charters the Nigerian government and security agencies had violated in their alleged erosion of the rights of workers to freedom of expression, association, and assembly, and concluded that the police summons to Ajaero was predicated on the fallout of the August 1 to August 10, 2024, #EndBadGovernanceInNigeria protest against economic hardship occasioned by the policies of President Bola Tinubu’s government since May 2023.
The responders were incensed that the police invitation to Ajaero came after the NLC leadership criticised alleged police brutality and killing of scores of protesters during the national protest – accusation the police denied via the Inspector General of Police (IGP), Mr Kayode Egbetokun, who noted that police officers, assigned to manage the protest, were actually the victims of attacks by the protesters.
For the few exceptions, such as ActionAid, which acknowledged that, “No one is above the law except you have immunity, and if you have immunity, after your tenure, you will be prosecuted” – and the stand of the lawyer to the NLC, rights activist Femi Falana (SAN) – other answerers didnt bother about the nexus of the police allegations, and for Ajaero to honour the invitation, if duly and properly routed.
While the NLC was rattling the sabre on behalf of Ajaero, Chief Falana toed the path of civility, decorum and honour, and sought deferment of the invitation to Wednesday, August 29, as the notice was too short, and as Ajaero had prior appointment before the police letter arrived.
In a missive to the police, titled: “Re: Letter of invitation,” Falana said: “We have the instructions of Comrade Joe Ajaero to inform you that he is unable to honour your invitation on Tuesday, August 20, 2024, in view of the fact that your invitation letter was received by him yesterday (August 19). He has an engagement that had been fixed before the receipt of the invitation letter. Therefore, Comrade Ajaero is prepared for your interview on Wednesday, August 29, 2024.
“Furthermore, in accordance with the provisions of section 36 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, as altered, Comrade Ajaero requests for the details and nature of the allegations of Criminal Conspiracy, Terrorism Financing, Treasonable Felony, Subversion and Cybercrime levelled against him.”
Meanwhile, the NLC, asking for an extension of the police invitation, simultaneously issued a notice, directing its affiliates and allies to shut down the Nigerian economy should the police arrest Ajaero – giving no room for a lawful arrest via a duly-obtained warrant issued by a court of competent authority.
Relaying the NLC position, after a National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting in Abuja on August 20, the union’s Deputy President, Kabiru Ado Sani, who briefed workers gathered at the Labour House, in solidarity with Ajaero, said: “At the end of the meeting, we reached some certain resolutions. Part of the resolutions is that, as a committed labour centre, we agreed or that we abide by the rule of law and due process.
“We will honour the invitation of the Nigerian police because we are not a faceless organisation, but we believe that we need an extension of time, after consultation with our lawyers, because this invitation was extended to the Congress President yesterday (August 19) and asked to report at the police by 10am today (August 20).
“So we are already working with our lawyers to look for extension of time, but this does not legitimize the charges by the Nigerian police to the Congress leadership. And secondly, we resolve that in an event our Congress president was arrested or detained at any moment, we put our affiliates on red alert to mobilize our membership across the country, that all workers in this country should down tools.”
The police case against Ajaero stems from an early August raid of the Labour House, in what the Force spokesman Muyiwa Adejobi claimed was in search of some incriminating documents, to establish a case against an international “subversive” element that is a threat to Nigeria’s democracy.
However, the union criticised the raid, linking it to the #EndBadGovernanceInNigeria protest of August 1-10 – which the NLC didn’t participate in, but monitored closely, and subsequently accused the police of killing scores of protesters – and asked the police for an unreserved apology.
Rather than apologise, the police, on August 19, on behalf of the Deputy Commissioner of Police (DCP), Intelligence Response Team, asked Ajaero to show up at 10am on August 20, at the Special Intervention Squad (SIS) Office, in Abuja, with a caveat to arrest Ajaero if he failed to honour the invitation.
The letter, signed by Assistant Commissioner of Police (ACP) Adamu Muazu, reads ominously: “This office is investigating a case of Criminal Conspiracy, Terrorism Financing, Treasonable Felony, Subversion and Cybercrime in which you have been implicated.
“You are therefore required to report to the undersigned for an interview on Tuesday, 20th August, 2024, at 10:00 hrs prompt, at Old Abattoir by Guzape Junction, Abuja, through the Team Leader on telephone no 08035179870, in connection with the above investigation. Be informed that if you fail to honour this letter, this office will have no choice but to issue a warrant for your arrest.”
The tone of the police invitation to Ajaero was uncivil and unprofessional, an unnecessary display of bravado and a show of force undisguisedly intended to intimidate, overraw, and make Ajaero acquiesce ahead of the invitation that linked him to the alleged crimes under investigation. On that premise, Ajaero and the NLC were right to seek the opinion of their lawyers, for a delay of the invitation.
But it’s the height of disobedience and disrespect to the rule of law – which the NLC says it upholds – to attempt to deploy institutional cover for an individual’s personal cause, which the allegations against Ajaero represent. Does the NLC equate Ajaero as the union, much like the famed April 13, 1655, phrase attributed to Louis XIV, King of France and Navarre: “L’État, c’est moi” (“I am the state,” literally, “the state, that is me”) – allegedly said before the Parliament of Paris – symbolising “absolute monarchy and absolutism?”
In the context of Nigeria’s politics, where the President and Governor act as absolute monarchs, who equate themselves as the “State,” Ajaero – as President of the NLC boasting of an estimated 5m membership – can as well proclaim himself as the “NLC” and above the law and reproach.
And that’ll be taking a page from the three oil workers’ unions: the National Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG), Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (PENGASSAN) and Tanker Drivers, notorious for regularly calling out their members for national or sectional strikes even for the flimsiest of excuses, and disrupt fuel supply and economic activities for days or weeks across the country or part thereof.
Ajaero successfully executed such a brief late 2023, when – a few days to the off-season election in Imo State (his home state) – he called for a strike action against the government over alleged arrears to workers. But when the workers Ajaero purported to fight for reportedly gave him cold shoulders and manhandled him at the airport, the NLC “imposed a land, air and sea blockade on the state,” and a national protest in tow, for days.
The NLC was initial formed in 1950 under Chief Michael Imoudu, who’s christened, “Father of Labour Union in Nigeria,” and reincarnated in 1975 following a merger in 1974 of the then-four central labour organisations of the Nigeria Trade Union Congress (NTUC), led by Wahab Goodluck, Labour Unity Front (LUF), headed by Imoudu, Nigeria Workers’ Council (NWC), led by Ramon, and the United Labour Congress of Nigeria, led by Kaltungo and Odeyemi (ULCN), and its inaugural conference of December 18, 1975.
So, there’s a long list of past leaders of the NLC, or its earlier variant(s) in the 1950s and 1960s, from Chief Imoudu to Wahab Goodluck (1975-1976 or 1975-1978), Hassan Sunmonu (1978-1984), Ali Chiroma (1984-1988), Pascal Bafyau (1988-1994), Military ban of unions (1994-1999), Adams Oshiomhole (1999-2007), Abdulwahab Omar (2007-2015) and Ayuba Wabba (2015-2023). In the course of union activities, these labour leaders endured frequent security operatives’ crackdowns, resulting in physical attacks, injuries, unlawful arrests, detentions, and imprisonments.
Yet, the union leaders weren’t known to deploying the umbrella union to avenge their physical and psychological humiliations and trauma from the Police, the Department of State Services (DSS) (previously State Security Services (SSS)), the Military or any of the plethora of paramilitary agencies in the country.
For example, then-President Olusegun Obasanjo (1999-2007) and then-NLC President Adams Oshiomhole were the best of “political friends,” with Oshiomhole able to eke out a 25% increase of workers’ salary under the Obasanjo government.
But when – for the umpteenth time – Obasanjo increased fuel price in 2004, and Oshiomhole called out workers for a protest, the NLC claimed that about 15 operatives of the DSS, on October 9, 2004, at the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport (NAIA), Abuja, “overpowered him (Oshiomhole), wrestled him to the ground and bundled him into a standby Peugeot 504 station wagon, which bore no licence plates,” and detained.
The DSS called the claim “sensational and inaccurate reporting,” saying that the NLC president had a “misunderstanding” with field operatives, but that the matter was soon resolved, while a presidential spokesperson claimed that Oshiomhole was only invited for a “chat” at the airport, and that no arrest had taken place.
Still, Oshiomhole – while in or out of the “detention” – didn’t seek the NLC and Nigerian workers’ intervention to avenge his unlawful treatment by State actors. He bore his humiliation with dignity and equanimity, in the realisation that involving external assistance – for economic shutdown – would aggravate the situation and the people’s sufferings.
Not so for Comrade Ajaero and the NLC under his belt! They’re ready to deploy members and affiliates to the streets in the least of provocations, especially since the 2023 General Election in which Ajaero and the union dragged Nigerian workers into supporting the Labour Party (LP), which Ajaero’s attempted to hijack by laying siege to the party offices in Abuja and the 36 States of Nigeria.
When politics blurs the line between personal and group interest, the result is what Ajaero exhibits by threatening fire and brimstone over a police invitation to clear himself of the serious allegations reportedly tracing him to a “subversive” element at the NLC secretariat building in Abuja.
Others in Ajaero’s shoes would gladly honour the police invitation, to clear their names and the organisation they represent. Unless he and NLC have something to hide, Ajaero should go and prove his innocence. It’s an act of integrity and patriotism to do so!
Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria
Opinion
BENUE 2027:The Apa/Agatu Quest for Equity
By Tunde Olusunle
It may be well over two years to the next cycle of general elections in Nigeria. For the people of Apa/Agatu federal constituency in *Benue South, however, the measure of their participation and integration into the governance scheme will be defined in the run-up to the general polls that year. Nine local government areas make up the predominantly Idoma country of Benue State also labelled Zone C in the senatorial tripod of the geo-polity. The zone is also home to the Igede ethnic stock and the Etulo. Local government areas in “Benue Zone C” include: Apa, Agatu, Oju, Obi, Ado, Ogbadibo, Okpokwu, Otukpo and Ohimini. The other zones, Benue North East and Benue North West, are wholly dominated by the Tiv nationality, striding across 14 local government areas. They are christened Zone A and Zone B in the local political scheme of the state. Federal constituencies in Benue South are: Apa/Agatu, Oju/Obi; Ado/Ogbadibo/Opokwu and Otukpo/Ohimini.
The subjugation of groups and ethnicities considered demographically smaller, by the larger groups which has dominated Nigeria’s politics over time, has not been any different for the Idoma of Benue State. Until the circumstantial emergence of a Yahaya Bello from the Ebira ethnicity in Kogi State in 2015, the Igala had the relay baton of governorship of Kogi State, in rounds and succession. The Ebiras and the Okun-Yoruba zones in the state could only aspire to be serial deputies or Secretaries to the State Government. This political template was virtually cast in stone. The Ilorin people of Kwara State have similarly wholly warehoused the gubernatorial office, sparingly conceding the position to other sociocultural groups in the state. The only exception was the concession of the seat to a candidate from Kwara South, in the person of Abdulfatah Ahmed, by his predecessor, Bukola Saraki in 2011. Even at that, there were murmurs and dissent from those who believed Ahmed came from a community too close to the Ilorin emirate to be of genuine Igbomina stock, which prides itself as the pure Yoruba species in Kwara State.
Twenty-six years into the Fourth Republic, the maximum proximity of the Idoma to Government House, Makurdi, has been by the customary allocation of the Deputy Governor’s slot to its people. Ogirri Ajene from Oju/Obi, the charismatic blue-blood of blessed memory, was deputy to George Akume, incumbent Secretary to the Government of the Federation, (SGF), from 1999 to 2007. Akume it was reported, genuinely desired to be succeeded by Ajene who exhibited competence and loyalty and could build on their legacies. The Tiv nation we understand, shot down the proposal. Gabriel Suswam succeeded Akume and had the urbane multipreneur, Stephen Lawani from Ogbadibo as deputy. Samuel Ortom, a Minister in the Goodluck Jonathan presidency who took over from Suswam opted for Benson Abounu, an engineer from Otukpo as running mate, while Hyacinth Alia, the Catholic priest who succeeded Ortom, also chose as deputy, Samuel Ode, who was also a Minister in the Jonathan government, from Otukpo. Arising from this precedence, Apa/Agatu has not for once, been considered for a place in Government House, Makurdi.
In similar fashion, the position of Senator representing Benue South, has repeatedly precluded Apa/Agatu federal constituency. David Alechenu Bonaventure Mark a former army General from Otukpo, took the first shot at the office in 1999. He was to remain in the position for five consecutive times, a distinctive record by Nigerian standards. Mark would subsequently become President of the Senate and the third most senior political office holder in the nation’s governance scheme for a string of two terms between 2007 and 2015. He was replaced by Patrick Abba Moro, who hails from Okpokwu and was a former teacher, in 2019. Abba Moro who previously served as Minister of Interior in the Jonathan government from 2011 to 2015, won a second term at the 2023 general elections and remains substantive Senator for “Benue Zone C.” He is indeed incumbent Minority Leader of the Senate, and thus a principal officer in the leadership scheme of the “red chambers.”
While Moro is barely two years into his second term, there are suggestions that he is interested in a third term which should run from 2027 to 2031! This is the core issue which has dominated contemporary political discourse in Benue South, especially from the Apa/Agatu bloc. For Apa/Agatu, it is bad enough that they are repeatedly bypassed in the nomination of deputy governors in the scheme of state politics. It is worse that they are equally subjugated by their own kinsmen within the context of politics in *Idoma and Igede land.* This is particularly worrying when both local government areas constituting the Apa/Agatu federal constituency, Apa and Agatu, are not in anyway deficient in human resources to represent Benue South. Names like John Elaigwu Odogbo, the incumbent *Och’Idoma* and respected clergy; Isa Innocent Ekoja, renowned Professor and Librarian; Sonny Togo Echono, FNIA, OON, Executive Secretary, Tertiary Education Trust Fund, (TETFUND), and John Mgbede, Emeritus State Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party, (PDP), Benue State, readily come to mind.
Major General R.I. Adoba, (rtd), a former Chief Training and Operations in the Nigerian Army; Professor Emmanuel Adanu, former Director of the Kaduna-based National Water Resources Institute, (NWRI) and the US-based specialist in internal medicine, Dr Raymond Audu, are eminent Apa/Agatu constituents. There are also Ada Egahi, long-serving technocrat who retired from the National Primary Healthcare Development Agency, (NPHDA), and Super Eagles forward, Moses Simon, (why not, hasn’t the retired soccer star, George Opong Weah just completed his term as President of Liberia)? The Member Representing Apa/Agatu in the House of Representatives, Godday Samuel Odagboyi, an office previously held by Solomon Agidani, as well as Adamu Ochepo Entonu, is, like his predecessors, a prominent figure from the resourceful Apa/Agatu federal constituency.
The Olofu brothers, Tony Adejoh, a retired Assistant Inspector General of Police, (AIG), and David, PhD, a renowned management and financial strategist, who is also an Emeritus Member of the Benue State Executive Council during the Ortom dispensation, are from the same federal constituency. So is Abu Umoru, a serial entrepreneur who represents Apa State Constituency in the Benue State House of Assembly. The continuing intra-zonal alienation of Apa-Agatu from the politics of Benue Zone C, remains a sore thumb which must be clinically diagnosed and intentionally treated in the run-up to 2027.
If previous top level political office holders from Idomaland in general and Apa/Agatu in particular, had diligently applied themselves to tangible, multisectoral development of the zone and constituency, the present clamour for inclusiveness would probably been less vociferous. *River Agatu* which flows from Kogi State, and runs through Agatu before emptying into *River Benue,* is a potential game changer in the socioeconomy of Apa/Agatu, Benue South and Benue State in general. Properly harnessed, it can revolutionise agriculture and aquaculture in the state, beyond subsistence levels which are the primary vocations of the indigenous people. Rice, yam, guinea corn, millet and similar grains, thrive in the fertile soils of the area. These can support “first level” processing of produce and guarantee value addition beneficial to the primary producers, before being shipped to other markets. River Agatu can indeed be dammed to provide hydro-electricity to power the entire gamut of Idomaland.
The infrastructure deficit in Benue South with specific reference to Apa/Agatu is equally very concerning. A notable pattern in Nigerian politics is its self-centeredness, the penchant for political players to prioritise their personal wellbeing and the development of their immediate space. This has accentuated the ever recurring desire of people to ascend the political pedestals of their predecessors if that is the principal window by which they can also privilege their own primary constituents. Motorable roads are non-existent, seamless travel between communities therefore encumbered. Expectedly this has been a major impediment to subsistent trade and social engagements between constituents and their kinsmen. Primary health facilities are almost non-existent, compelling people to flock to Otukpo, headquarters of Benue South, for the minutest of medical advice and treatment.
Apa/Agatu pitiably bleeds from the relentless and condemnable activities of vagrants and bandits who have reduced the constituency into a killing field. Reports suggest that in the past 15 years, no less than 2500 lives were lost to the vicious attacks of marauders and trespassers in the area under reference. This unnerving situation has compelled engagements between concerned Apa/Agatu leaders, and the leadership of the Nigeria Police Force, (NPF). The prayer is for the swift establishment of a mobile police outpost in the troubled sub-zone to contain bloodletting. The proposal, anchored by AIG Tony Olofu, NPOM, (rtd), and Echono, has received the blessings of the police high command. At the last update, a commander for the outfit had been named, while the deployment of personnel had begun in earnest.
It is very clear that in the march towards 2027, Apa/Agatu will refuse, very vehemently, to be sidelined and trampled upon in the political scheme of their senatorial zone. Abba Moro may desire a third term in the Senate, but the people of Apa/Agatu are quick to remind him that his curriculum vitae as a politician is sufficiently sumptuous for him to yield the seat in the “red chambers” and sit back like an elder statesman. They remind you that for a man who began his working life modestly as a lecturer in the Federal Polytechnic, Ugbokolo in 1991, Abba Moro has done extremely well for himself in Nigerian politics. For reminders, Abba Moro was elected Chairman of Okpokwu local government in the state as far back as 1998. Ever since, he has remained a permanent fixture in Nigeria’s national politics.
The people of Apa/Agatu will put up a determined fight for the Benue South senatorial seat in 2027, and no one should begrudge them. They are the proverbial ram which was pushed to the wall, which must of necessity push back with angered horns to liberate itself. They are already engaging with their kith across “Benue Zone C” to ensure that intra-zonal equity, fairness and justice, prevails in communal politics.
Tunde Olusunle, PhD, Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA), teaches Creative Writing at the University of Abuja
Opinion
The Prince Adebayo prescriptions for ease of doing Business: 15 Take-Aways
By Dr. Ag Zaki
On Thursday, 9 January 2025, Prince Adewole Adebayo presented a keynote address at the Radisson Blu Hotel, Ikeja, Lagos. The occasion was the annual conference of a group of professionals, business executives and experts codenamed J9C for January 9 Collective. The theme of the Conference was “Business and Policy Strategy: Examining the Role of Reform in enhancing the ease of doing business in Nigeria.” Prince Adebayo is a versatile cerebral man of many parts, a lawyer, a multimedia practitioner, a real estate investor, a large-scale miner, a philanthropist, a community developer, and the 2023 Presidential Candidate of the Social Democratic Party (SDP). The organisers of the J9C conference introduced him as an intercontinental lawyer because he currently practices law in over sixteen countries.
The full speech of Prince Adebayo at the occasion is available online and can be accessed by clicking at this url: https://youtu.be/SsHkcJbVNRg?si=ebvoOVqGh0zVOsnt or by scanning the QR code above. However, we are presenting the salient take-aways from this most incisive keynote address below for the convenience of interested persons and for the public good.
THE TAKE-AWAYS
Preamble
1. Not every change of policy or programme is a reform. A reform is a fundamental change in the activities, programmes, and policies structured to cause improvement. Genuine government reforms are people oriented and so citizens can interject, comment or contribute.
2. Reform may be internally motivated, externally forced or imposed, or technological driven.
3. The government of Nigeria must first reform itself to be able to implement development-oriented reforms to improve the country’s economic performance.
In general terms
4. Fiscal and monetary reforms are critical and are urgently required in Nigeria. While government can freely control its fiscal reforms, it must be bound by market forces for realistic and realisable monetary reforms.
5. Economic reforms must positively affect developmental policies, programmes and projects to engender economic growth, increase in efficiency, and lead to stability. Economic and political reforms must be implemented pari-passu for untainted policies and programmes.
6. Urgent structural reforms are required in areas of legal reforms, laws on banking controls and regulations, lending and borrowing as well as land matters.
In specific terms
7. Reforms which are aimed at targeting ease of doing business must be aligned with the Malam Aminu Kano maxim that “all civil servants should abstain from contracts or business”.
8. Nigeria must break the current odious and unwholesome conspiracies between policy makers, civil servants, and contractors, which can lead to irreversible endemic corruption, long foreseen by the revered Malam Aminu Kano, and which can permanently damage the economy.
9. Structural reforms must ensure that land laws open up maximum benefits and potentials of the land, encourage labour productivity and efficient and transparent entrepreneurship rules including registration, capital and lending matters.
10. Tax reforms should be broad-based, not about sharing of revenue but promoting productivity and competitiveness in all aspects of endeavours and infrastructure reforms should make transportation of people and goods safe and cost effective.
11. Monitoring economic crimes must be thorough and should go beyond arresting of “Yahoo boys” and those spraying Naira notes, but those devaluing the Naira and abusing economic rules and regulations.
Warnings
12. Adebayo left some stern terse warnings for the business sector and for the government of Nigeria.
13. Business executives and professionals should not ask or encourage government for specific reforms but for general broad-based reforms as firm-specific reforms can enhance operations of specific firms or business in the short term but will ultimately kill the industry.
14. Government should not meddle into business or be guided by partisan businessmen; government should meet business only at the junction of regulatory framework.
15. Government should be selfless and honest in carrying out reforms, incorporate measurable performance indices and ensure that reforms are implemented in a way not to inflict pains or punishment on the people.
# DrZaki25, 903 Tafawa Balewa Way, Abuja
Opinion
Governor Monday Okpebholo: A Blessing to Edo State
By Eigbefo Felix
His Excellency, Senator Monday Okpebholo, the Executive Governor of Edo State, has demonstrated that he is a blessing to the state through his policies, appointments, initiation of road construction across the three senatorial districts, and his deep love for the people of Edo State.
Governor Monday Okpebholo has begun fulfilling the five-point agenda he promised the good people of the state since his inauguration.
In the area of security, he has shown total commitment. He assured the people of Edo State that he would ensure their safety, and true to his word, the state remains peaceful, which has brought joy to its residents. He has provided the necessary support to security personnel.
The governor increased the subvention for Ambrose Alli University (AAU) from ₦40 million to ₦500 million. He also promised to address the issues facing AAU medical students. Additionally, he has started renovating primary and secondary schools across the state, underscoring his understanding of the importance of education.
The agricultural sector has taken a positive turn as Governor Okpebholo has allocated ₦70 billion to the sector. Recognizing agriculture’s importance to both the state and the nation, he is positioning Edo State to become the food basket of the nation with his investments in the sector.
During the electioneering period, Senator Okpebholo promised to create 5,000 jobs within his first 100 days in office. He has already begun the process, and soon, the people of Edo State will benefit from these employment opportunities. Unlike in the past, he will not rely on MOUs before making appointments. Furthermore, he has started appointing Edo State indigenes, rather than outsiders, to various positions.
Governor Okpebholo has commenced road projects across the state, from Edo South to Edo Central and Edo North. He believes that when roads are motorable, the prices of goods in the market will automatically reduce.
He has also begun investing in the health sector, understanding its critical importance to the people of Edo State.
Governor Monday Okpebholo’s initiatives and actions affirm his dedication to transforming Edo State for the better.
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