Opinion

Hardship protest: Atiku’s rhetoric and protesters’ mayhem in Northern Nigeria

Published

4 months ago

August 12, 2024

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Atiku Abubakar

By Ehichioya Ezomon

The saying, “Be careful what you wish for,” may haunt former Vice President Atiku Abubakar going forward from the ashes of the 10-day #EndBadGovernanceInNigeria protest that rocked and racked parts of Nigeria between August 1 and 10, 2024.
The presidential candidate of the main opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the 2019 and 2023 General Elections was most vociferous in cheering the protesters from start to finish without a thought – as many concerned Nigerians had – for how quickly such protests turn violent in the absence of noticeable and recognisable leaders.
Acknowledging the rights of Nigerians to freedom of expression, especially against bad governance, individuals and groups, including the government and the United Nations Department of Safety and Security, appealed to the agitators to shelve their plan, to avoid aggravating an already dire economic situation, and prevent groups with ulterior motives from hijacking the protest.
But standing out from the pack, Atiku’s adamant in stoking the fire, accusing the Bola Tinubu government of attempting to abort the protest. In a post on his X handle on July 23, as first reported by Vanguard on July 24, Atiku said it’s ironic that those stifling the rights of Nigerians to protest in 2024 were leading protesters in 2012 (a reference to now President Tinubu).
Atiku wrote: “For the avoidance of doubt, the rights of citizens to protest are enshrined in the Nigerian Constitution and affirmed by our courts. Section 40 of the 1999 Constitution (as altered) unequivocally guarantees the right to peaceful assembly and association.
“Chasing shadows and contriving purported persons behind the planned protests is an exercise in futility when it is obvious that Nigerians, including supporters of Tinubu and the ruling APC, are caught up in the hunger, anger, and hopelessness brought about by the incompetence and cluelessness of this government.
“It is deeply ironic that those who now seek to stifle these rights were themselves leading protests in 2012. A responsible government must ensure a safe and secure environment for citizens to exercise their constitutionally guaranteed rights to peaceful protest. Any attempt to suppress these rights is not only unconstitutional but a direct affront to our democracy.”
Reacting to alleged killings, and the police manhandling of journalists, Atiku, as reported by The Cable on August 2, noted that the protesters had “mostly” conducted themselves well and should be commended, describing as “needless” and “unacceptable,” the high-handedness of some security officers.
“The police must refrain from the molestation of journalists who are merely reporting the protest. It is imperative that security agencies exercise restraint while enforcing law and order,” Atiku said. “Security agencies are encouraged to identify and isolate the minority elements who are resorting to violence and looting, ensuring that the actions of a few do not tarnish the majority of peaceful protesters.”
“To the government, I admonish you to heed the voices of the people and come down from your high horses. It is time to demonstrate a sincere commitment to addressing the demands of the protesters.”
But at a meeting of heads of security agencies in Abuja on August 6, the Inspector General of Police (IGP), Kayode Egbetokun, said the police, military and other security agencies involved in the management of the #EndBadGovernanceInNigeria didn’t use live ammunition during the protest.
Egbetokun said: “The police and the military – and indeed other security agencies involved in the management of this protest – have not deployed excessive use of force. Instead, what we had were attacks on security agents during the protest. From our record, there were no shooting incidents by the police.
“The police or military did not use any live ammunition in the management of these protests. Instead, we have had cases where our officers were injured and are in critical condition, as we speak.”
In his national broadcast on July 4, President Tinubu urged the protesters to cease their actions, as his decision to remove the fuel subsidy and unify the foreign exchange systems – key demands for reversal by the protesters – was necessary to eliminate the exploitation by smugglers and rent-seekers, and that he’s fully focused on “delivering governance to the people – good governance, for that matter.”
In a statement same day, Atiku – who even went after the First Lady, Mrs Oluremi Tinubu – noted that the president’s broadcast overlooked the severe economic challenges that Nigerian families had faced since the start of the Tinubu administration, the PUNCH reports.
Atiku said: “This address lacks credibility and fails to offer any immediate, tangible solutions to the Nigerian people. Given the extensive publicity surrounding the protests and the threats issued by government officials against demonstrators, one would have expected President Tinubu to present groundbreaking reforms, particularly those aimed at reducing the exorbitant costs of governance.
“But alas, no such announcements were made. The President ignored the protesters’ demands, such as suspending the purchase of aircraft for the President, downsizing his bloated cabinet, or even eliminating the costly and burdensome office of the First Lady, who has been indulging in extravagant trips at the nation’s expense.
“In his lacklustre recorded speech, President Tinubu offered a superficial account of his so-called reforms, revealing his own tenuous grasp of policy as he failed to convince his audience. While the President has spoken, it is unfortunate that his words lack substance and respect for the protesters’ sentiments, leaving Nigerians with little faith in his reform agenda – if one exists at all.
“We urge the President and his team to own up to their failures over the past 14 months and abandon the absurd theory that the protests are orchestrated by the opposition. This administration has failed on all fronts, even in the simple task of keeping a presidential speech confidential.”
And on August 6, via his X handle, Atiku warned service chiefs and military commanders against authorising the use of lethal force against protesters, saying they’d be held liable for the shooting of peaceful civilian protesters by soldiers and other security operatives.
Atiku’s apparently reacting to the August 6 killing by a soldier of a 16-year-old protester, Ismail Mohammed, in the Samaru community in Zaria, Kaduna State, which the Army said wasn’t authorised, that the suspect soldier had been detained, and high-ranking officers had condoled with the victim’s family and attended his burial.
Atiku’s words: “I wish to convey a stern caution to the distinguished service chiefs and military commanders of Nigeria’s armed forces that those who authorise the use of lethal force against peaceful civilian protesters will be held responsible for committing crimes against humanity, even in the years following their retirement from service.
“The constitutional right to engage in protest is firmly established within our supreme law and reinforced by the judiciary. It is the solemn duty of the government and security agencies to ensure a safe and protected environment for individuals exercising their right to peaceful protest.”
While Atiku’s caution was timely, his galvanising and encouragement of the protesters was less than stellar, considering that the protest eventually got out of hand – a scenario Atiku overlooked while rallying support for the demonstration – such that the protesters called for internal and external overthrow of the Tinubu presidency.
Did the call for unlawful overthrow of a democratically-elected government sit well with Atiku? It might, as Tinubu defeated Atiku to the second position in the February 25, 2023, presidential election; and wanting Tinubu replaced illegally won’t be a new-wish by the Atiku-led opposition.
Recall that while at the Presidential Election Petitions Court (PEPC) in 2023 – in efforts to overturn the declaration of Tinubu as President-elect by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Atiku led a PDP protest march through Abuja streets, ending at the Defence Headquarters for an unmistakable coded message to the military high command!
Calls for a regime change were rampant during the protest, with brazen displays and waving of Russian Flags in major cities and towns across Northern Nigeria – a treasonable offence that Atiku didn’t condemn. Nor did he reproach the massive and wanton attacks, destruction, vandalisation and looting of public and private property in all seven States of the North-West.
Ironically, the six states of the North-East – particularly Atiku’s homestates of Adamawa and Taraba that formed the defunct Gongola State, which Atiku won for the governorship in 1999 before retired Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo tapped him as running mate in the 1999 presidential poll – didn’t witness the scale of havoc the protesters wreaked on the North-West. Why? We should ask Atiku!
Yes, President Tinubu – in investigating the overall protest that turned subversive and treasonous – must look into the alleged killing of protesters by security operatives, which invoked memories of the October 20, 2020, reported massacre by the military at the Lekki Toll Gate in Lagos State. Atiku’s zeroing in on security agents’ activities during the protest is akin to an exhumation of the ghosts of that Lekki tragedy!
While the government strives to meet the protesters’ varied and wide-ranging demands, and takes stock in human and material costs, to gain knowledge of the protest-turned riot, the authorities should shift attention away from identifying the small fries in the chain of execution of the protest, and focus on the big fishes that gave oxygen to its birth, nurturing and sustenance.
It’s welcoming for Atiku to warn against killing of protesters by security operatives. It rankles the sensibilities for security agents, detailed to protect the protesters, to fail in that regard, and expose the protesters to attacks by hoodlums and/or the security operatives themselves. Government should get to the bottom of the alleged complicity and high-handness of the security operatives in dealing with the protesters.
Yet, as they’re at it, the Tinubu administration must grow the balls to ask the hard questions about what Atiku knew about the agitation, planning, organising and execution of the protest that shook the consevative Northern Nigeria, which, over the years, looked docile, reticent, and even complicit as governance went awry in the country, and specially in the region.
Besides what the “unknown leaders” of the protest advertised, what did Atiku, as leader the PDP – and the unofficial head of the opposition in Nigeria – know about the protest that he became the powerful force that encouraged, defended and protected the protestants? Did he merely cash in on an opportune moment for a political Hail Mary?
Was Atiku’s full backing of the protest part of an alleged broader plan to gain the presidency through the backdoor in an overthrow of the government, which many of the protesters actually called for? These questions flow from Atiku’s sequential utterances and statements throughout the protest that destroyed a large swathe of his backyard in Northern Nigeria! A self-inflicted destruction, that is!

Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria .

Opinion

The charade of council elections in Nigeria

Published

5 hours ago

December 9, 2024

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By Ehichioya Ezomon

In Nigeria, we often make references to issues and happenings in the United States of America as a guide for emulation. Hence, we replaced the British parliamentary system with the American presidential model of government. In the U.S., all elections – federal, state, and local – are administered by the individual states, with many aspects of the system’s operations delegated to the county and local level.
And these elections, to the satisfaction and acceptance of majority of Americans, are conducted relatively freely, fairly and creditably, without unduly and overly seen to be manipulated to favour the governing political parties in the states. So, can we also allow state law, not federal, to regulate most aspects of Nigeria’s elections, including administering federal, state, and local elections?
Well, in light of the sweeping victories claimed in local council elections by parties in control of the states across Nigeria, the outcomes of all elections administered by states and councils would be better imagined than experienced. It’d result in perpetual one-party control in the states, and possibly at the national level!There’s been a rash of council polls in the States in Nigeria since the Supreme Court in July 2024 gave a 90-day window to state governments to conduct council elections, “to ensure a democratically-elected local government system,” and to accord with the autonomy granted the third tier of government, which state governors have opposed.
However, it’s been a tale of democratic underhands reportedly committed by State Independent Electoral Commissions (SIECs) allegedly appointed by state governors to scoop all votes for them during council elections – a scenario that’s played out before, and since the July 2024 Supreme Court pronouncement.
Reports from the states indicate that where council elections have been conducted, the parties in control of the state governments have claimed virtually 100% of the chairmanship and councillorship positions, leaving the opposition to join the calls to scrap the SIECs, and mandate the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to conduct all elections in Nigeria.
For lack of faith in the SIECs, the main opposition All Progressives Congress (APC) and Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) – mostly boycotting participation in states they’re not in control of – have alleged that council elections are organised solely to favour the ruling parties in the states.
Even where elections were held, the SIECs would abridge the 90-day advance notice for preparation for the balloting, and on poll day, starve the opposition strongholds of ballots, especially the result sheets, while state-aided thugs run rampant and seize and/or destroy votes cast in such places.
And in the absence of display of vote scores of the participating parties, and proper collation, the SIECs, like in a press conference, would announce – and not declare – the results, and award all or 98% to 99% of the chairmanship and councillorship positions to the parties in control of the states.
More surprising is the speed at which the SIECs issue Certificates of Return to elected chairmen and councillors, who are also quickly sworn into office. It’s as though the certificates – with the electeds’ names embossed – are prepared in advance of the elections. That’s why the opposition accuse the ruling parties in the states of forewriting results.
Below is a schedule of dates for council polls in many states since July 2024: Adamawa, July 14; Delta, July 14; Ebonyi, July 20; Kebbi, August 31; Enugu, September 21; Imo, September 21; Kwara, September 21; Sokoto, September 21; Akwa Ibom, October 5; Rivers, October 5; Jigawa, October 5; Benue, October 5; Plateau, October 9; Zamfara, October 16; Kogi, October 19; Kaduna, October 19; Kano, October 26; Abia, November 2; Cross River, November 2; Nasarawa, November 2; Ogun, November 16; Ondo, January 18, 2025; Katsina, February 15; and Osun, February 22.
Let’s flick through the results of council elections held since July 2024, showing – except in Abia, Jigawa, Nasarawa and Rivers – near-identical or similar winning streaks by parties running the states. Most of the results were announced at the headquarters of the SIECs, represented hereunder with their acronyms in the states.
Adamawa (July 14): Chairman of the ADSIEC, Mohammed Umar, announcing the poll results in Yola on July 21, said the PDP cleared all 21 councils (chairmanship) and 226 wards (councillorship) seats, while New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) picked one ward.
Delta (July 14): Chairman of the DSIEC, Jerry Agbaiki, in Asaba on July 21, said the PDP won all 25 councils and 499 wards, with the Allied Peoples Movement (APM) taking one ward.
Ebonyi (July 20): Chairman of the EBSIEC, Jossey Eze, on July 21 in Abakaliki, said the APC won all 13 councils and the 171 wards.
Kebbi (August 31): Chairman of the KESIEC, Aliyu Muhammad-Mera, declared in Birnin Kebbi on September 1, that the APC won all 21 councils and the 225 wards, with the PDP boycotting the poll over alleged “mutual relationship” between the KESIEC and the APC.
Enugu (September 21): Chairman of the ENSIEC, Prof. Christian Ngwu, in Enugu on September 22 and 23, announced the PDP as winner of the 17 councils and 260 wards, respectively.
Imo (September 21): Chairman of the ISIEC, Charles Ejiogu, at a press briefing in Owerri on September 23, said the APC won in all 27 councils and 305 wards, even as he promised to release specific vote counts in due course.
Sokoto (September 21): Alhaji Aliyu Suleiman, chairman of the SIEC, announced on September 23 in Sokoto that the APC swept all 23 councils and the 244 wards, and quickly issued the winners with certificates of return. The PDP boycotted the election.
Kwara (September 21): Chairman of the KWSIEC, Mohammed Baba-Okanla, in a statement released on September 22 in Ilorin, noted that the APC won all 16 councils and the 193 wards.
Akwa Ibom (October 5): A list signed by the Chairman of AKISIEC, AniediAbasi Ikoiwak, in Uyo on October 6, showed that the PDP won 30 of the 31 councils, and the APC got one seat where Senate President Godswill Akpabio hails from, with the APC craving for the day the INEC would takeover conduct of council elections.
Benue (October 5): Chairman of the BSIEC, Richard Tombowua, announced in Makurdi on October 6 that the APC won all 23 councils and the 276 wards.
Jigawa (October 5): Chairman of the JISIEC, Hon. Auwalu Muhammad Harbo, via a statement in Dutse by JISIEC’s spokesman, Habibu Yarima, on October 6, said the APC won all 27 councils and 281 of the 287 wards, with Accord Party (AP) securing four wards, and All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) winning one ward, leaving the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) protesting.
Rivers (October 5): Chairman of the RSIEC, retired Hon. Justice Adolphus Enebeli, announced in Port Harcourt on October 6 that the Action Peoples Party (APP) – a proxy of Governor Siminalayi Fubara of the PDP – won 22 of the 23 councils, and Action Alliance (AA) took one seat. While the APP swept 314 wards, the APC, Boot Party (BP), Labour Party (LP), Social Democratic Party (SDP) and Young Peoples Party (YPP) won one ward each. The election held despite protests by the PDP, and the APC that got a court injunction to stay the poll.
Plateau (October 9): Chairman of the PLASIEC, Plangji Cishak, announcing in Jos results for 15 and two councils on October 10 and 11, said the PDP claimed all seats in the 17 councils, with the APC alleging electoral heist.
Zamfara (October 16): Chairman of the ZASIEC, Bala Aliyu, on October 17 in Gusau, declared that the PDP won all 14 councils and the 147 wards, with the APC boycotting the poll over ZASIEC’s alleged contravention of the three-month notice the electoral law mandates.
Kogi (October 19): The Chairman of the KOSIEC, Nda Eri, stated in Lokoja on October 20 that the APC secured all 21 councils and the 239 wards.
Kaduna (October 19): Chairman of the (KADSIECOM), Hajara Muhammad, said in Kaduna on October 20 that the APC won the 23 councils and 255 wards.
Kano, (October 26): Chairman of the KANSIEC, Prof. Sani Lawal Malurnfashi, briefing reporters in Kano on October 27, said the NNPP swept all 44 councils and the 484 wards.
Cross River (November 2): Chairman of the CRSIEC, Dr Ekong Boco, announced on November 3 in Calabar that the APC candidates, including three females, took all 18 councils and the 193 wards.
* Nasarawa (November 2): Chairman of the NASIEC, Barr. Ayuba Usman, announced on November 3 in Lafia that the APC won the 13 councils and 140 of the 147 wards, while the SDP won five and Zenith Labour Party (ZLP) won two wards, respectively.
Abia (November 2): Opposition ZLP – allegedly a front for Governor Alex Otti of the LP – emerged victorious in 15 of the 17 councils, while the YPP claimed two councils, as announced by the Chairman of ABSIEC, Prof. George Chima, on November 2 in Umuahia.
Ogun (November 16): Chairman of the OGSIEC, Babatunde Osibodu, announcing the results on October 17 in Abeokuta, said the APC won all 20 councils and the 236 wards.
While the schedules for council elections in 2025 in three states are: Ondo, January 18, Katsina, February 15, and Osun, February 22; states that conducted council polls between July 2021 and June 2024 also claimed blowout victories, as follows:
Lagos (July 2021): APC won all 20 councils, and 375 of 377 wards. Niger (November 22): APC won all 25 councils and the wards. Edo (September 2023): PDP won all 18 councils and the 192 wards. Taraba (November 2023): PDP claimed all 16 councils and the 168 wards. Ekiti: (December 2023): APC won all 38 councils and the 177 wards.
Others are: Borno (January 2024): APC clinched all 27 councils, including first female chairmanship, and the 312 wards. Bayelsa (April 2024): PDP won all eight councils and the 103 wards. Gombe (April 2024): APC won all 11 councils and the 114 wards. Oyo (April 2024): PDP secured all councils and the wards. Yobe (June 2024): APC won all 17 councils, with 15 of the chairmanships returned unopposed.
The irony of council elections in Nigeria is that their conduct have attracted little or no monitoring and reporting by election observers, and civil society organisations (CSOs), who overlook unbridled rigging at the polling units, where votes may not be counted, declared and displayed, and collation of results done behind the scenes, and yet, the governing party in the states would claim 100% of the chairmanship and councillorship positions.
Election observers and CSOs – fixated on federal and state ballots upon which they make parallel and contradictory claims to INEC’s, even when the processes are still in progress on election day – shut their eyes to massive manipulation of council polls across board, and give an all-clear and a “Grade A” passmark to the SIECs for “a job well done.”
Where does the salvation lie in checking electoral malpractice at the council levels? Is it in the INEC? Many Nigerians think so, even as they vilify the commission as incompetent, corrupt and compromising during national and state elections. Hence, the Akwa Ibom APC publicity secretary, OtoAbasi Udo, reacting to the sweeping victory of the PDP in the October 5 council poll in the state, despite robust campaigns by the opposition, prays for a future without SIECs.
His words: “The Party, ably led by Obong Stephen Leo Ntukekpo, uses this opportunity to express her sincere thanks and appreciation to you all for your tireless, steadfast, unalloyed support and commitment to the Party and assure you that with the Supreme Court judgment that returned full autonomy to the third tier of government, the local government, enshrined in our Constitution, and the steps taken by the National Assembly to give full effect to the judgment, from the next election, all SIECs, in charge of local government elections now, would have been dismantled, incapacitated and laid to rest, and a bright prospect for future local government elections firmly put in place.”
Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria. Can be reached on X, Threads, Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp @EhichioyaEzomon. Tel: 08033078357

Opinion

Defamation: It’s nature, purpose, and the use of the Nigerian Police to interfere in civil matter

Published

5 days ago

December 4, 2024

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Dele Farotimi

Concerns have escalated in the media and political space over the arrest of Dele Farotimi, alongside a reported invasion of his law firm and harassment of his staff by alleged members of the Nigerian Police Force. As of the time of this statement, Dele Farotimi has been arraigned on a 16-count charge for alleged defamation and cybercrimes before a Magistrate Court in Ado-Ekiti, Ekiti State. After pleading not guilty, he was denied bail and remanded in prison custody, highlighting a troubling decline in the operations of our democracy.

The issues surrounding Farotimi’s arrest stem from a petition alleging defamation in his recently published book, “Nigeria and Its Criminal Justice System.” The controversy has triggered concerns about the nature of defamation, its purpose, and the role of the Nigerian Police in such matters.

Understanding Defamation

Defamation is the publication of a statement that lowers a person’s reputation in the estimation of right-thinking members of society. It is a civil wrong intended to protect an individual’s good name from being tarnished. Section 39 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended) guarantees freedom of expression, including the right to hold opinions and disseminate information. However, when such expressions harm another’s reputation, defamation laws come into play.

Only a court of competent jurisdiction can determine whether a person’s reputation has been damaged, and this is done through a civil trial. In such cases, the burden of proof lies with the party alleging the defamation. The Nigerian Police have no legal authority to determine defamation through criminal investigation or prosecution.

Defamation Is a Civil Wrong, Not a Criminal Offense

Defamation, however serious, does not constitute a criminal offense under Nigerian law. It is a tortious liability that requires civil redress. The appropriate action for someone who feels defamed is to file a civil lawsuit, not to involve law enforcement. The Supreme Court affirmed this position in Aviomoh v. The Commissioner of Police & Sunday Esan (2021) JELR 109176 (SC), where it held that defamation is a civil matter.

The Nigerian Police are mandated by Sections 4 and 24 of the Police Act, 2020, to maintain law and order by addressing criminal offenses—not civil disputes. Their involvement in Farotimi’s case constitutes a clear breach of their legal mandate.

Misuse of the Nigerian Police

It is unfortunate that certain elites, who often urge citizens to “go to court” when aggrieved, resort to using the Nigerian Police as a tool of intimidation when it suits their personal interests. If any individual or entity feels defamed, the appropriate course of action is to seek redress in court—not to engage in unlawful arrests and harassment.

Call for Justice

We condemn the arrest and continued detention of Dele Farotimi, which constitutes a desecration of the Nigerian Constitution and legal system. We urge the government to act honorably and resolve this matter in the interest of justice.

Chief Ameh Peter
National Secretary, CUPP
Former National Chairman, IPAC
Ex-Presidential Candidate

Opinion

Grandma Wikina at 90: A testimony in steely resolve

Published

6 days ago

December 3, 2024

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By Tunde Olusunle

Just days after the end of the Nigerian Civil War in January 1970, disaster struck in the home of Wikina-Emmah in Kono at the heart of Ogoniland in Rivers State. Ebenezer Saro-Wikina, eldest son of Wikina-Emmah, suddenly passed. The Ogoni were among the nationalities affected by the civil war. Multitudes from the ethnic group previously sought refuge in the area delineated as Biafra by the secessionists. They were glad to return to their ancestral homes at the end of hostilities. Ebenezer Saro-Wikina went through the stress and drudgery of “crossing the Red Sea,” literally.
He got back to his roots but sadly passed within days. The painfully departed Ebenezer was married to Grace Wikina and together they had five children. The 36-year old Grace Wikina at the time had to confront the grim reality of raising her two sons and three daughters, all by herself.

“Mummy,” Mama or “Grandma” as she’s variously addressed, turned 90 on Sunday December 1, 2024. It is a fitting opportunity to celebrate this peculiar yet unsung matriarch. In consonance with her name, “Grace,” Mama has been graced by God, strengthened and preserved especially through the past 56 years, playing father and mother to five children. They have turned out successfully in their separate endeavours before her very eyes. They have also blessed her with numerous grandchildren and great grandchildren. Serial arrivals of newborns have kept Mama delightfully engaged, running the motions of *omugwo* ever so often. She’s eternally available to help with postpartum care for her children and daughters-in-law, after childbirth. This is a cultural practice long popularised by the Igbo nationality of South East Nigeria. It is seems standard Nigerian, maybe African practice though, known by other qualifications.

My classmate, good friend and brother, Blessing Barikui Wikina, one of Mama Wikina’s children it was who engendered the earliest engagements between my family and the Wikinas. Blessing is Mama’s second child behind Bright Wikina. Margaret Keaniabari Wikina; Anita Dorathy Dunubari Mojekwu and Aniekan Baribefe Faith Nnadozie, are Blessing’s siblings from Mama. His half-siblings, Mama’s stepchildren include Nwifii Wikina; Barido Wikina; Sonny Wikina and Ekama Helen Wikina. At the point of registration as a direct entry student at the University of Ilorin in the “harmattan semester” back in 1982, I met a core of like-minded classmates at various registration stops. Those were not the days of the internet or e-learning as yet, where you could enrol for studies online from any part of the world, take your courses via the same medium, write your examinations and also get graded, virtually.

Members of my small circle of freshmen would subsequently share the same hostels, nurture similar extracurricular interests and proceed to become non-biological siblings for life, up till this day. The core of that team featured: Gbenga Ayeni, a professor of journalism at the East Connecticut State University, (ECSU), in the United States; Dapo Adelegan, a hardworking multipreneur and Bisola Segilola Oluwole, a sterling businesswoman. Wikina, who retired as Director from the Rivers State Civil Service, and Folake Obe-Olawuyi, were in the group. Folake was the daughter of the renowned Nigerian photojournalist, Peter Obe, who was on the frontlines of the Nigerian Civil War between 1967 and 1970, documenting the 30-month engagement. Sadly, we lost Folake a few years ago to the COVID-19 scourge early 2021.

My family lived in Ilorin at the time while the families of most of my friends lived elsewhere, in Lagos, Makurdi, Port Harcourt and so on. They adopted our Ilorin abode as theirs and usually stored their belongings in our place whenever it was holiday. During our usual banters, I would rub it in that I was their “guardian” in Ilorin and they were bound to be of good behaviour! It was my self-appointed responsibility to visit the university regularly while they were away, to keep tabs on information beneficial to us all. Hard copies of results of the previous semester’s examinations and similar updates were unfailingly pasted on the noticeboards of various departments and faculties. We had a land-line in our family house so I usually called to brief them.

In the course of one of such checks after our final examinations in 1985, I discovered there was an error of computation in Wikina’s results. This could possibly cost him an additional academic year. The land-line Wikina left with me was malfunctioning. I couldn’t reach him and there was no alternative. I couldn’t contemplate having one of my closest friends repeating a year in university by no fault of his. I discussed the impasse with my parents who of course knew all my friends. I sought their blessings to travel to Port Harcourt, to save my friend from the careless oversight of some non-academic staff. My parents approved and funded my trip. So, off I left for Port Harcourt on my first visit ever, that day in July 1985. I knew the address of the Wikinas by heart, like I did the addresses of everyone else. In our usual, regular exchanges, it was common for us to celebrate the characteristics of our home bases. Lagosians typically pride themselves as the smartest and toughest. I would remind them I was raised in the bristling Benin City, home of daredevil toughies. Wikina serenaded us with salivating stories about Port Harcourt, the idyllic “Garden City.”

So, here I was at No 3, Wogu Street, D’Line, Port Harcourt, home of the Wikinas. I introduced myself to the mother of the house who set aside everything she was doing to receive this friend of her son who she had heard so much about. By this time, neither Blessing nor anyone else knew my mission. I kept asking about Blessing’s whereabouts. Mama did all she could to make me feel at home offering me water and beverages. Blessing finally showed up. You could see the sense of agitation on his face when he came face to face with me. He had gone to play set, a “five-a-side” football variant, popular in the neighbourhoods and institutions of learning. My face was the least he expected to see in Port Harcourt. Ol’ boy, wetin happen na, he queried in apprehension…

Tears streamed down the cheeks of Mama Grace Wikina when Blessing relayed the purpose of my visit to her. Following the 1970 demise of her husband, Mama secured a job in the Rivers State Civil Service. With her meagre earnings she trudged on, focused on raising her children to be disciplined, God-fearing, focused and hardworking. Part of Blessing Wikina’s way of supporting the exertions of his widowed mother was to join the civil service, even before he pursued university education. One could only imagine just how broken Mama would have been if Blessing could not graduate on schedule…

Mama attended the convocation ceremony where Blessing and I graduated with honours in Unilorin, in October 1985. Mama and her small delegation to the event stayed in our house in Ilorin. This further consummated the growing relationship between the Olusunles and the Wikinas. Upon completion of her National Youth Service Corps, (NYSC) in Calabar in 1992, my fiancée at the time, my wife of over three decades now, secured a job with the Port Harcourt branch of CSS Bookshop. I encouraged her to take it so she could begin to build up her work experience. But there was a challenge: accommodation. I called Mama and told her my wife-to-be was in need of a place to stay having just secured a job. “I will vacate my room for her if we cannot find space for her. When is she resuming,” was Mama’s most touching response. My younger sister, Lydia Osasere-Omoruyi got posted to Port Harcourt for the NYSC shortly after my wife moved in. This heightened accommodation concerns at the Wikina’s. Mama the tough matriarch dislodged Blessing from his own room and settled her in!

Years back, Mama Wikina came into Abuja with members of the family for an event. They attempted to “sneak” into a hotel so as “not to bother us.” They were “busted” and happily rerouted to our place, even if it meant we as hosts had to fling duvets and mattresses on the floors of our living rooms within the period of their visit. My son was posted to Rivers State for the NYSC, shortly after this visit. He was received by Blessing Wikina from the Port Harcourt airport and settled in to catch his breath in Blessing’s home for a few days. He was subsequently taken to the NYSC camp in Nonwa-Gbam, in Tai local government area by his host and uncle. Such is the story of the archetypal “handshake across the Niger River,” between the Olusunles of Okunland in the savannahs of Nigeria’s North Central, and the Wikinas of Ogoniland in the wetlands and creeks of the South South. This was the Nigeria we knew, the lost motherland, fittingly bemoaned by the legendary novelist, Nigeria’s own Chinua Achebe in his seminal treatise titled *There Was A Country: A Personal History of Biafra, published in 2012.

The Wikina family has scheduled a thanksgiving service for 10am at Methodist Church, Mbonu Street, D’Line Port Harcourt on Saturday December 7, 2024. This will be followed by a grand reception at The Authograph Event Centre, on Sani Abacha Road, GRA Phase 3, also in Port Harcourt. A grateful Mama Wikina will be surrounded by her siblings, children, stepchildren, their spouses, grandchildren, great-grandchildren and family extensions cultivated over time and geography. We join in praying for good health and more years on earth for a spectacular woman. Congratulations, Mama N’Court, one of Mama’s pet names, which alludes to her being spouse to Ebenezer Saro-Wikina whose father was a colonial era court interpreter.

Tunde Olusunle, PhD, Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA), teaches Creative Writing at the University of Abuja