Opinion

Karimi and the reality of our collective vulnerability

Published

5 months ago

July 11, 2024

admin

By Tunde Olusunle

Commuters on the “Trunk A Road” as it was labelled, traversing Kabba-Aiyetoro Gbedde-Mopa-Isanlu-Egbe communities in Kogi State must have observed frenetic construction activities at the Egbe section of the road abutting Kwara State. I’m told vehicular movement is infrequent these days because of the decrepit condition of the road, its attendant loneliness and its susceptibility to the murderous rascality of criminals. Travellers to parts of Kwara, Oyo and Osun, from parts of the North notably Nasarawa, Benue, Kogi and the Federal Capital Territory, (FCT) these days, prefer the Kabba-Omuo Ekiti road which is marginally less degenerate. Okun-Yoruba people domiciled in their traditional abodes desiring to conduct business in contemporary Kwara State to which they once belonged, however, are left with no option but to ply the road under discussion. For them it will be easier to catch glimpses of ongoing construction in the area I previously alluded to.

There is a signpost with the inscription *Ido Egbe* in the part of the expansive Egbe community where the said development is proceeding. A luminous perimeter fence covers the generous hectarage being developed at the said site. One particular structure rises sky high above the several others all capped with lemon-green aluminium roofing. The buildings vary in shape and size even as they are at various stages of completion. A long vehicle rests around the ongoing development, obviously one of many others feeding the project with its needs. You cannot but ask yourself whether the complex is a creation of the federal or state government, or a private investor desirous of doing business in the community. Or could it be a model residential estate?

The project under reference is a *Military Foreward Operating Base, (FOB),* being developed by Sunday Karimi, the Senator representing Kogi West Senatorial Zone. Over the years, parts of the district have come under premeditated attack by armed robbers, kidnappers and unfeeling herdsmen. At various times, cold-blooded robbers have attacked banks operating in several communities in the zone. In every instance, they left behind a trail of crimson blood, sorrow and tears. From Kabba to Aiyetoro-Gbedde to Isanlu, to Odo-Ere and Egbe in Kogi West, the pattern of the hoodlums have been pretty much the same. They launch surprise attacks on the police stations in each community. They thus neutralise the capacity of the law enforcement agents to engage them when they eventually swoop on their major targets, the banks.

First Bank, Mainstreet Bank, United Bank for Africa, (UBA) and Access Bank at various times have been robbed by the hoodlums, during banking hours. The callousness of the nonessentials was so grave on every occasion that it spiralled down the subsistence economy of the locals. The banks shut down for long spells ostensibly to rethink their continuing operation or not in the district vis-a-vis the losses they incurred. They equally evaluated the costs of rebuilding decimated structures and facilities in each instance relative to whatever fiscal trickles they earned, juxtaposed with the costs of providing services to their predominantly low income customers. We are talking about farmers, small scale entrepreneurs, school teachers and local government employees mainly.

More recently, kidnapping for ransom a trend hitherto heard about from very distant ecologies, has become another dimension of criminal pastimes by faceless groups. Sleepy communities in Yagba East and Yagba West local government areas basking in their rustic innocence and quietude, have been rudely violated by harbingers of grief and lachrymose. In January this year, six people were kidnapped within a space of 48 hours, around Isanlu, headquarters of Yagba East. Three of them lost their lives trying to escape from their abductors. Two women were picked up from Ejiba in Yagba West last May, by a gang of one dozen gun-toting brigands. Okunland which previously epitomised the purest innocence, calmness, serenity and safety, has been grievously intruded upon. This is not forgetting the impudence and insult of having irreverent Fulani nomads marching their herds through our farmlands destroying the subsistence investments of the people.

As a fairly regular visitor to my home community for sundry events and programmes, I’ve often been very concerned about the inadequacy of the capacity of security operatives at the local levels. I speak here about insufficient personnel and armament wherewithal in our localities. Isanlu for instance is the headquarters of Yagba federal constituency which aggregates Yagba East, Yagba West and Mopamuro local governments. It is host to the area command of the police and oversees the three local government areas in question. I will be amazed, however, if there are up to 150 officers and men, or half that number of serviceable armaments in the armoury of the area command. I had reason to request for police cover for a family event we hosted about six years ago. The police apologetically replied and alluded to the inadequacy of manpower. I resorted to the Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps, (NSCDC) as backup plan. I was told straight up that the entirety of my local government area was served by 15 civil defence personnel.

Critically, I was informed that most of the men had indeed been taken up by traditional rulers in our parts. The kings as it were desire that their royalty be heralded at every stop, courtesy of state uniform-wearing operatives functioning as human furniture, who sit on the front seats of their vehicles The royalties resorted to civil defence staff in the absence of police personnel to serve in as orderlies. Such are the confounding statistics and realities of the security architecture in our sub-urban communities. Let’s be reminded that hoodlums perfect their operational strategies before they take on a target, institution or community. This of course includes distilling the prevailing personnel and armament strengths of their targets. This explains why police stations in rural communities are almost always first targets where security personnel are neutralised and the armouries accessed and looted to strengthen their own capacities.

Against the backdrop of such embarrassing and condemnable state failure at the very centre to protect and secure its citizens, this very basic constitutionally non-negotiable responsibility has had to be taken up not by subregionals, but private individuals. This is the new normal as we find in the example under interrogation. One has heard elsewhere of privileged Nigerians or organisations partnering security and intelligence services in the provision of operational needs and infrastructure. The *Military Forward Operating Base* in Egbe, however, is one hundred percent privately funded by Sunday Karimi. He has taken a broader view of the concerns of his people, with the aim of assuaging their overwhelming security worries. It is definitely a tall and ambitious project daring to conceive and build from foundation, a complex which can probably pass as a modern military barracks, but Karimi has confronted the challenge headlong.

The “Foreward Operating Base” project under review is without doubts a visionary concept. It has the “observatory,” the tall structure which dwarfs the rooftops in the upcoming premises, where soldiers on guard duties will get a good view of the area and sensitise ground troops in the event of a possible threat. There is a security post and a mini-administrative block. There are also two blocks of 12 rooms each all ensuite, which come to 24 rooms for the “rank and file,” the junior officers. Boreholes have been drilled and will pump water to overhead tanks which will service the facilities and premises, downstream. Two units of three bedroom bungalows are provided for officers, while there is also rendezvous spot, an “officer’s mess” as is tradition with the military. Hopefully, a skeletal “mammy market” for the junior officers will spawn when the facility in its wholeness is operationalised.

Expectedly, Karimi has either engaged with the military high command for the adequate manning of the facility, or has prioritised this now that the Egbe project is nearing completion. This again is part of the systemic dysfunction consuming our nation and we the citizenry. Why should government departments have to be begged and lobbied to do their jobs? This again beggars the question of either unthinkable complacency or pure lack of capacity in statecraft. On account of his present effort in helping to secure the lives and belongings of his people, Karimi deserves our collective applause. Like Leke Abejide his colleague in the House of Representatives who has championed impactful causes for his people, Karimi in this instance, has chosen to deviate from the despicable practice by some of our representatives, who have gleefully weaponised poverty. These are the mindless politicians who waylay our hapless rural folks with sachets of salt and packets of pasta on polls day.

Tunde Olusunle, PhD, is a Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA)

Opinion

The charade of council elections in Nigeria

Published

4 hours ago

December 9, 2024

admin

By Ehichioya Ezomon

In Nigeria, we often make references to issues and happenings in the United States of America as a guide for emulation. Hence, we replaced the British parliamentary system with the American presidential model of government. In the U.S., all elections – federal, state, and local – are administered by the individual states, with many aspects of the system’s operations delegated to the county and local level.
And these elections, to the satisfaction and acceptance of majority of Americans, are conducted relatively freely, fairly and creditably, without unduly and overly seen to be manipulated to favour the governing political parties in the states. So, can we also allow state law, not federal, to regulate most aspects of Nigeria’s elections, including administering federal, state, and local elections?
Well, in light of the sweeping victories claimed in local council elections by parties in control of the states across Nigeria, the outcomes of all elections administered by states and councils would be better imagined than experienced. It’d result in perpetual one-party control in the states, and possibly at the national level!There’s been a rash of council polls in the States in Nigeria since the Supreme Court in July 2024 gave a 90-day window to state governments to conduct council elections, “to ensure a democratically-elected local government system,” and to accord with the autonomy granted the third tier of government, which state governors have opposed.
However, it’s been a tale of democratic underhands reportedly committed by State Independent Electoral Commissions (SIECs) allegedly appointed by state governors to scoop all votes for them during council elections – a scenario that’s played out before, and since the July 2024 Supreme Court pronouncement.
Reports from the states indicate that where council elections have been conducted, the parties in control of the state governments have claimed virtually 100% of the chairmanship and councillorship positions, leaving the opposition to join the calls to scrap the SIECs, and mandate the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to conduct all elections in Nigeria.
For lack of faith in the SIECs, the main opposition All Progressives Congress (APC) and Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) – mostly boycotting participation in states they’re not in control of – have alleged that council elections are organised solely to favour the ruling parties in the states.
Even where elections were held, the SIECs would abridge the 90-day advance notice for preparation for the balloting, and on poll day, starve the opposition strongholds of ballots, especially the result sheets, while state-aided thugs run rampant and seize and/or destroy votes cast in such places.
And in the absence of display of vote scores of the participating parties, and proper collation, the SIECs, like in a press conference, would announce – and not declare – the results, and award all or 98% to 99% of the chairmanship and councillorship positions to the parties in control of the states.
More surprising is the speed at which the SIECs issue Certificates of Return to elected chairmen and councillors, who are also quickly sworn into office. It’s as though the certificates – with the electeds’ names embossed – are prepared in advance of the elections. That’s why the opposition accuse the ruling parties in the states of forewriting results.
Below is a schedule of dates for council polls in many states since July 2024: Adamawa, July 14; Delta, July 14; Ebonyi, July 20; Kebbi, August 31; Enugu, September 21; Imo, September 21; Kwara, September 21; Sokoto, September 21; Akwa Ibom, October 5; Rivers, October 5; Jigawa, October 5; Benue, October 5; Plateau, October 9; Zamfara, October 16; Kogi, October 19; Kaduna, October 19; Kano, October 26; Abia, November 2; Cross River, November 2; Nasarawa, November 2; Ogun, November 16; Ondo, January 18, 2025; Katsina, February 15; and Osun, February 22.
Let’s flick through the results of council elections held since July 2024, showing – except in Abia, Jigawa, Nasarawa and Rivers – near-identical or similar winning streaks by parties running the states. Most of the results were announced at the headquarters of the SIECs, represented hereunder with their acronyms in the states.
Adamawa (July 14): Chairman of the ADSIEC, Mohammed Umar, announcing the poll results in Yola on July 21, said the PDP cleared all 21 councils (chairmanship) and 226 wards (councillorship) seats, while New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) picked one ward.
Delta (July 14): Chairman of the DSIEC, Jerry Agbaiki, in Asaba on July 21, said the PDP won all 25 councils and 499 wards, with the Allied Peoples Movement (APM) taking one ward.
Ebonyi (July 20): Chairman of the EBSIEC, Jossey Eze, on July 21 in Abakaliki, said the APC won all 13 councils and the 171 wards.
Kebbi (August 31): Chairman of the KESIEC, Aliyu Muhammad-Mera, declared in Birnin Kebbi on September 1, that the APC won all 21 councils and the 225 wards, with the PDP boycotting the poll over alleged “mutual relationship” between the KESIEC and the APC.
Enugu (September 21): Chairman of the ENSIEC, Prof. Christian Ngwu, in Enugu on September 22 and 23, announced the PDP as winner of the 17 councils and 260 wards, respectively.
Imo (September 21): Chairman of the ISIEC, Charles Ejiogu, at a press briefing in Owerri on September 23, said the APC won in all 27 councils and 305 wards, even as he promised to release specific vote counts in due course.
Sokoto (September 21): Alhaji Aliyu Suleiman, chairman of the SIEC, announced on September 23 in Sokoto that the APC swept all 23 councils and the 244 wards, and quickly issued the winners with certificates of return. The PDP boycotted the election.
Kwara (September 21): Chairman of the KWSIEC, Mohammed Baba-Okanla, in a statement released on September 22 in Ilorin, noted that the APC won all 16 councils and the 193 wards.
Akwa Ibom (October 5): A list signed by the Chairman of AKISIEC, AniediAbasi Ikoiwak, in Uyo on October 6, showed that the PDP won 30 of the 31 councils, and the APC got one seat where Senate President Godswill Akpabio hails from, with the APC craving for the day the INEC would takeover conduct of council elections.
Benue (October 5): Chairman of the BSIEC, Richard Tombowua, announced in Makurdi on October 6 that the APC won all 23 councils and the 276 wards.
Jigawa (October 5): Chairman of the JISIEC, Hon. Auwalu Muhammad Harbo, via a statement in Dutse by JISIEC’s spokesman, Habibu Yarima, on October 6, said the APC won all 27 councils and 281 of the 287 wards, with Accord Party (AP) securing four wards, and All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) winning one ward, leaving the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) protesting.
Rivers (October 5): Chairman of the RSIEC, retired Hon. Justice Adolphus Enebeli, announced in Port Harcourt on October 6 that the Action Peoples Party (APP) – a proxy of Governor Siminalayi Fubara of the PDP – won 22 of the 23 councils, and Action Alliance (AA) took one seat. While the APP swept 314 wards, the APC, Boot Party (BP), Labour Party (LP), Social Democratic Party (SDP) and Young Peoples Party (YPP) won one ward each. The election held despite protests by the PDP, and the APC that got a court injunction to stay the poll.
Plateau (October 9): Chairman of the PLASIEC, Plangji Cishak, announcing in Jos results for 15 and two councils on October 10 and 11, said the PDP claimed all seats in the 17 councils, with the APC alleging electoral heist.
Zamfara (October 16): Chairman of the ZASIEC, Bala Aliyu, on October 17 in Gusau, declared that the PDP won all 14 councils and the 147 wards, with the APC boycotting the poll over ZASIEC’s alleged contravention of the three-month notice the electoral law mandates.
Kogi (October 19): The Chairman of the KOSIEC, Nda Eri, stated in Lokoja on October 20 that the APC secured all 21 councils and the 239 wards.
Kaduna (October 19): Chairman of the (KADSIECOM), Hajara Muhammad, said in Kaduna on October 20 that the APC won the 23 councils and 255 wards.
Kano, (October 26): Chairman of the KANSIEC, Prof. Sani Lawal Malurnfashi, briefing reporters in Kano on October 27, said the NNPP swept all 44 councils and the 484 wards.
Cross River (November 2): Chairman of the CRSIEC, Dr Ekong Boco, announced on November 3 in Calabar that the APC candidates, including three females, took all 18 councils and the 193 wards.
* Nasarawa (November 2): Chairman of the NASIEC, Barr. Ayuba Usman, announced on November 3 in Lafia that the APC won the 13 councils and 140 of the 147 wards, while the SDP won five and Zenith Labour Party (ZLP) won two wards, respectively.
Abia (November 2): Opposition ZLP – allegedly a front for Governor Alex Otti of the LP – emerged victorious in 15 of the 17 councils, while the YPP claimed two councils, as announced by the Chairman of ABSIEC, Prof. George Chima, on November 2 in Umuahia.
Ogun (November 16): Chairman of the OGSIEC, Babatunde Osibodu, announcing the results on October 17 in Abeokuta, said the APC won all 20 councils and the 236 wards.
While the schedules for council elections in 2025 in three states are: Ondo, January 18, Katsina, February 15, and Osun, February 22; states that conducted council polls between July 2021 and June 2024 also claimed blowout victories, as follows:
Lagos (July 2021): APC won all 20 councils, and 375 of 377 wards. Niger (November 22): APC won all 25 councils and the wards. Edo (September 2023): PDP won all 18 councils and the 192 wards. Taraba (November 2023): PDP claimed all 16 councils and the 168 wards. Ekiti: (December 2023): APC won all 38 councils and the 177 wards.
Others are: Borno (January 2024): APC clinched all 27 councils, including first female chairmanship, and the 312 wards. Bayelsa (April 2024): PDP won all eight councils and the 103 wards. Gombe (April 2024): APC won all 11 councils and the 114 wards. Oyo (April 2024): PDP secured all councils and the wards. Yobe (June 2024): APC won all 17 councils, with 15 of the chairmanships returned unopposed.
The irony of council elections in Nigeria is that their conduct have attracted little or no monitoring and reporting by election observers, and civil society organisations (CSOs), who overlook unbridled rigging at the polling units, where votes may not be counted, declared and displayed, and collation of results done behind the scenes, and yet, the governing party in the states would claim 100% of the chairmanship and councillorship positions.
Election observers and CSOs – fixated on federal and state ballots upon which they make parallel and contradictory claims to INEC’s, even when the processes are still in progress on election day – shut their eyes to massive manipulation of council polls across board, and give an all-clear and a “Grade A” passmark to the SIECs for “a job well done.”
Where does the salvation lie in checking electoral malpractice at the council levels? Is it in the INEC? Many Nigerians think so, even as they vilify the commission as incompetent, corrupt and compromising during national and state elections. Hence, the Akwa Ibom APC publicity secretary, OtoAbasi Udo, reacting to the sweeping victory of the PDP in the October 5 council poll in the state, despite robust campaigns by the opposition, prays for a future without SIECs.
His words: “The Party, ably led by Obong Stephen Leo Ntukekpo, uses this opportunity to express her sincere thanks and appreciation to you all for your tireless, steadfast, unalloyed support and commitment to the Party and assure you that with the Supreme Court judgment that returned full autonomy to the third tier of government, the local government, enshrined in our Constitution, and the steps taken by the National Assembly to give full effect to the judgment, from the next election, all SIECs, in charge of local government elections now, would have been dismantled, incapacitated and laid to rest, and a bright prospect for future local government elections firmly put in place.”
Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria. Can be reached on X, Threads, Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp @EhichioyaEzomon. Tel: 08033078357

Opinion

Defamation: It’s nature, purpose, and the use of the Nigerian Police to interfere in civil matter

Published

5 days ago

December 4, 2024

admin

Dele Farotimi

Concerns have escalated in the media and political space over the arrest of Dele Farotimi, alongside a reported invasion of his law firm and harassment of his staff by alleged members of the Nigerian Police Force. As of the time of this statement, Dele Farotimi has been arraigned on a 16-count charge for alleged defamation and cybercrimes before a Magistrate Court in Ado-Ekiti, Ekiti State. After pleading not guilty, he was denied bail and remanded in prison custody, highlighting a troubling decline in the operations of our democracy.

The issues surrounding Farotimi’s arrest stem from a petition alleging defamation in his recently published book, “Nigeria and Its Criminal Justice System.” The controversy has triggered concerns about the nature of defamation, its purpose, and the role of the Nigerian Police in such matters.

Understanding Defamation

Defamation is the publication of a statement that lowers a person’s reputation in the estimation of right-thinking members of society. It is a civil wrong intended to protect an individual’s good name from being tarnished. Section 39 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended) guarantees freedom of expression, including the right to hold opinions and disseminate information. However, when such expressions harm another’s reputation, defamation laws come into play.

Only a court of competent jurisdiction can determine whether a person’s reputation has been damaged, and this is done through a civil trial. In such cases, the burden of proof lies with the party alleging the defamation. The Nigerian Police have no legal authority to determine defamation through criminal investigation or prosecution.

Defamation Is a Civil Wrong, Not a Criminal Offense

Defamation, however serious, does not constitute a criminal offense under Nigerian law. It is a tortious liability that requires civil redress. The appropriate action for someone who feels defamed is to file a civil lawsuit, not to involve law enforcement. The Supreme Court affirmed this position in Aviomoh v. The Commissioner of Police & Sunday Esan (2021) JELR 109176 (SC), where it held that defamation is a civil matter.

The Nigerian Police are mandated by Sections 4 and 24 of the Police Act, 2020, to maintain law and order by addressing criminal offenses—not civil disputes. Their involvement in Farotimi’s case constitutes a clear breach of their legal mandate.

Misuse of the Nigerian Police

It is unfortunate that certain elites, who often urge citizens to “go to court” when aggrieved, resort to using the Nigerian Police as a tool of intimidation when it suits their personal interests. If any individual or entity feels defamed, the appropriate course of action is to seek redress in court—not to engage in unlawful arrests and harassment.

Call for Justice

We condemn the arrest and continued detention of Dele Farotimi, which constitutes a desecration of the Nigerian Constitution and legal system. We urge the government to act honorably and resolve this matter in the interest of justice.

Chief Ameh Peter
National Secretary, CUPP
Former National Chairman, IPAC
Ex-Presidential Candidate

Opinion

Grandma Wikina at 90: A testimony in steely resolve

Published

6 days ago

December 3, 2024

admin

By Tunde Olusunle

Just days after the end of the Nigerian Civil War in January 1970, disaster struck in the home of Wikina-Emmah in Kono at the heart of Ogoniland in Rivers State. Ebenezer Saro-Wikina, eldest son of Wikina-Emmah, suddenly passed. The Ogoni were among the nationalities affected by the civil war. Multitudes from the ethnic group previously sought refuge in the area delineated as Biafra by the secessionists. They were glad to return to their ancestral homes at the end of hostilities. Ebenezer Saro-Wikina went through the stress and drudgery of “crossing the Red Sea,” literally.
He got back to his roots but sadly passed within days. The painfully departed Ebenezer was married to Grace Wikina and together they had five children. The 36-year old Grace Wikina at the time had to confront the grim reality of raising her two sons and three daughters, all by herself.

“Mummy,” Mama or “Grandma” as she’s variously addressed, turned 90 on Sunday December 1, 2024. It is a fitting opportunity to celebrate this peculiar yet unsung matriarch. In consonance with her name, “Grace,” Mama has been graced by God, strengthened and preserved especially through the past 56 years, playing father and mother to five children. They have turned out successfully in their separate endeavours before her very eyes. They have also blessed her with numerous grandchildren and great grandchildren. Serial arrivals of newborns have kept Mama delightfully engaged, running the motions of *omugwo* ever so often. She’s eternally available to help with postpartum care for her children and daughters-in-law, after childbirth. This is a cultural practice long popularised by the Igbo nationality of South East Nigeria. It is seems standard Nigerian, maybe African practice though, known by other qualifications.

My classmate, good friend and brother, Blessing Barikui Wikina, one of Mama Wikina’s children it was who engendered the earliest engagements between my family and the Wikinas. Blessing is Mama’s second child behind Bright Wikina. Margaret Keaniabari Wikina; Anita Dorathy Dunubari Mojekwu and Aniekan Baribefe Faith Nnadozie, are Blessing’s siblings from Mama. His half-siblings, Mama’s stepchildren include Nwifii Wikina; Barido Wikina; Sonny Wikina and Ekama Helen Wikina. At the point of registration as a direct entry student at the University of Ilorin in the “harmattan semester” back in 1982, I met a core of like-minded classmates at various registration stops. Those were not the days of the internet or e-learning as yet, where you could enrol for studies online from any part of the world, take your courses via the same medium, write your examinations and also get graded, virtually.

Members of my small circle of freshmen would subsequently share the same hostels, nurture similar extracurricular interests and proceed to become non-biological siblings for life, up till this day. The core of that team featured: Gbenga Ayeni, a professor of journalism at the East Connecticut State University, (ECSU), in the United States; Dapo Adelegan, a hardworking multipreneur and Bisola Segilola Oluwole, a sterling businesswoman. Wikina, who retired as Director from the Rivers State Civil Service, and Folake Obe-Olawuyi, were in the group. Folake was the daughter of the renowned Nigerian photojournalist, Peter Obe, who was on the frontlines of the Nigerian Civil War between 1967 and 1970, documenting the 30-month engagement. Sadly, we lost Folake a few years ago to the COVID-19 scourge early 2021.

My family lived in Ilorin at the time while the families of most of my friends lived elsewhere, in Lagos, Makurdi, Port Harcourt and so on. They adopted our Ilorin abode as theirs and usually stored their belongings in our place whenever it was holiday. During our usual banters, I would rub it in that I was their “guardian” in Ilorin and they were bound to be of good behaviour! It was my self-appointed responsibility to visit the university regularly while they were away, to keep tabs on information beneficial to us all. Hard copies of results of the previous semester’s examinations and similar updates were unfailingly pasted on the noticeboards of various departments and faculties. We had a land-line in our family house so I usually called to brief them.

In the course of one of such checks after our final examinations in 1985, I discovered there was an error of computation in Wikina’s results. This could possibly cost him an additional academic year. The land-line Wikina left with me was malfunctioning. I couldn’t reach him and there was no alternative. I couldn’t contemplate having one of my closest friends repeating a year in university by no fault of his. I discussed the impasse with my parents who of course knew all my friends. I sought their blessings to travel to Port Harcourt, to save my friend from the careless oversight of some non-academic staff. My parents approved and funded my trip. So, off I left for Port Harcourt on my first visit ever, that day in July 1985. I knew the address of the Wikinas by heart, like I did the addresses of everyone else. In our usual, regular exchanges, it was common for us to celebrate the characteristics of our home bases. Lagosians typically pride themselves as the smartest and toughest. I would remind them I was raised in the bristling Benin City, home of daredevil toughies. Wikina serenaded us with salivating stories about Port Harcourt, the idyllic “Garden City.”

So, here I was at No 3, Wogu Street, D’Line, Port Harcourt, home of the Wikinas. I introduced myself to the mother of the house who set aside everything she was doing to receive this friend of her son who she had heard so much about. By this time, neither Blessing nor anyone else knew my mission. I kept asking about Blessing’s whereabouts. Mama did all she could to make me feel at home offering me water and beverages. Blessing finally showed up. You could see the sense of agitation on his face when he came face to face with me. He had gone to play set, a “five-a-side” football variant, popular in the neighbourhoods and institutions of learning. My face was the least he expected to see in Port Harcourt. Ol’ boy, wetin happen na, he queried in apprehension…

Tears streamed down the cheeks of Mama Grace Wikina when Blessing relayed the purpose of my visit to her. Following the 1970 demise of her husband, Mama secured a job in the Rivers State Civil Service. With her meagre earnings she trudged on, focused on raising her children to be disciplined, God-fearing, focused and hardworking. Part of Blessing Wikina’s way of supporting the exertions of his widowed mother was to join the civil service, even before he pursued university education. One could only imagine just how broken Mama would have been if Blessing could not graduate on schedule…

Mama attended the convocation ceremony where Blessing and I graduated with honours in Unilorin, in October 1985. Mama and her small delegation to the event stayed in our house in Ilorin. This further consummated the growing relationship between the Olusunles and the Wikinas. Upon completion of her National Youth Service Corps, (NYSC) in Calabar in 1992, my fiancée at the time, my wife of over three decades now, secured a job with the Port Harcourt branch of CSS Bookshop. I encouraged her to take it so she could begin to build up her work experience. But there was a challenge: accommodation. I called Mama and told her my wife-to-be was in need of a place to stay having just secured a job. “I will vacate my room for her if we cannot find space for her. When is she resuming,” was Mama’s most touching response. My younger sister, Lydia Osasere-Omoruyi got posted to Port Harcourt for the NYSC shortly after my wife moved in. This heightened accommodation concerns at the Wikina’s. Mama the tough matriarch dislodged Blessing from his own room and settled her in!

Years back, Mama Wikina came into Abuja with members of the family for an event. They attempted to “sneak” into a hotel so as “not to bother us.” They were “busted” and happily rerouted to our place, even if it meant we as hosts had to fling duvets and mattresses on the floors of our living rooms within the period of their visit. My son was posted to Rivers State for the NYSC, shortly after this visit. He was received by Blessing Wikina from the Port Harcourt airport and settled in to catch his breath in Blessing’s home for a few days. He was subsequently taken to the NYSC camp in Nonwa-Gbam, in Tai local government area by his host and uncle. Such is the story of the archetypal “handshake across the Niger River,” between the Olusunles of Okunland in the savannahs of Nigeria’s North Central, and the Wikinas of Ogoniland in the wetlands and creeks of the South South. This was the Nigeria we knew, the lost motherland, fittingly bemoaned by the legendary novelist, Nigeria’s own Chinua Achebe in his seminal treatise titled *There Was A Country: A Personal History of Biafra, published in 2012.

The Wikina family has scheduled a thanksgiving service for 10am at Methodist Church, Mbonu Street, D’Line Port Harcourt on Saturday December 7, 2024. This will be followed by a grand reception at The Authograph Event Centre, on Sani Abacha Road, GRA Phase 3, also in Port Harcourt. A grateful Mama Wikina will be surrounded by her siblings, children, stepchildren, their spouses, grandchildren, great-grandchildren and family extensions cultivated over time and geography. We join in praying for good health and more years on earth for a spectacular woman. Congratulations, Mama N’Court, one of Mama’s pet names, which alludes to her being spouse to Ebenezer Saro-Wikina whose father was a colonial era court interpreter.

Tunde Olusunle, PhD, Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA), teaches Creative Writing at the University of Abuja