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Edo 2024: The Inegbeniki, Mayaki ‘suitability’ question of Okpebholo’s candidacy (1)

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By Ehichioya Ezomon

Bomb-throwers in the political arena and mediasphere are at work in Edo State, orchestrating a campaign of personal attacks on the candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Senator Monday Okpebholo, aimed at demarketing him ahead of the September 21, 2024, governorship election. 
The attacks look syndicated to opposition elements within the party, and outside groups parading as writers, who question Okpebholo’s character, competence, capacity, congnition, carriage, charisma, and ability to articulate” achievable actions to take Edo State out of its morass.
Take a look! Writing in The Guardian in early June 2024, one Ifeanyi Ibeh, in a piece captioned, “Edo 2024: Okpebholo and his crumbling sandcastle,” related how an “abracadabra” primary produced Okpebholo, whose co-contestants aren’t supporting his candidacy, even as many topshots desert the APC because of the “difficult-to-sell” Okpebholo candidacy.
Mr Ibeh, who signed off the copy with, “Etakibueba writes from Benin City” – different from his byline – said of Okpebholo: “Avoiding any engagement during the day, and only manages to crawl out at night, once in a while, almost being a recluse or hermit, he would, however, not fail to cause public commotion whenever he manages to come to the open, through series of gaffes, palpable display of lack of self-confidence, incoherent and unsychronised deliveries and his annoyingly lack of basic knowledge needed for high office like that of Governor of Edo State.”
That commentary – like many that’d been run in the mainstream and social media – oozes and drips with bitterness, bile and hatred towards Okpebholo, who’s humbly called for issue-based discourse rather than a campaign of calumny and character assassination. 
Nobody begrudges the Edo voter wanting a “perfect” Governor for the state, considering the lacklustre performance of Governor Godwin Obaseki who – as is evident today – played on the people’s intelligence against then-Governor Adams Oshiomhole he’d labeled as a “godfather” dictating to him, as if Oshiomhole wasn’t a “godfather” when he swung the governorship for Obaseki in 2016.
“Say no godfatherism” guided the campaigns for Obaseki’s reelection in 2020 on the platform of the PDP – when he’s denied a return ticket by then-Oshiomohle-led APC’s National Working Committee (NWC) – only for Obaseki to turn into a godfather and “anointed” his business partner, Dr Asue Ighodalo, as the PDP candidate for the September 2024 poll.
What’s curious about the sudden focus on Okpebholo’s “suitability for Governor” is the regularity and spread of the crusade – starting to appear in the media at the same time, and with the same or similar message of his non-qualifiication for the office.
Thus, this article will be examined in two parts: This week on the departure of High Chief Francis Inegbeniki from the APC, and the next edition on the pledge by a dubbed “Media icon” John Mayaki, to support another candidate against Okpebholo at the poll.
For being “influenced” to do a hatchet job on Okpebholo, ghost and hack writers can be pardoned, but what about former leader of the APC, Chief Inegbeniki, the “Uzoya of Esanland” (literally, ‘Alleviator, Rescuer’), joining the chorus of Okpebholo isn’t qualified to be Governor, and yet backed him – or was his support for another Esan aspirant – against well-oiled and formidable opponents in the February 2024 primary, and greeted him for picking the ticket? 
Because, as of February 24, 2024 – even before the conclusion of the repeat primary on March 1, which Okpebholo won as he did in the initial balloting on February 21 – Inegbeniki had congratulated Okpebholo, and thanked APC members nationwide for electing him as the party flagbearer.
Praising especially APC members from Edo South and Edo North, for their votes, and stating that “Esan people will not take this support and trust for granted,” Inegbeniki, in a statement, said: “Let me thank President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, APC National Working Committee (NWC), APC Governors and party stakeholders for standing for truth and equity, which led to the election of Senator Okpebohlo as Edo APC governorship candidate.
“I must not fail to also appreciate our leader, Comrade Adams Oshiomole, he is a human being and entitled to his own opinion. Irrespective of his position and the stands he took in the just-concluded primary elections, he still remained our leader. We will come together to reconcile ourselves and move forward. We are one family, sometimes we disagree to agree.
“I sincerely appreciate Edo APC leaders and members for the confidence they have reposed in Senator Monday Okpebholo, by electing him the APC governorship candidate, and by which the Edo APC have reaffirmed that democracy is all about equity and inclusiveness. They are indeed the true heroes of our democracy by supporting rotation of power to Edo Central.”
Earlier on August 8, 2023, Inegbeniki not only greeted Sens. Oshiomohle and Okpebholo for their appointments to chair the Senate Committees on Interior, and Public Procurement, respectively, but also described the duo as “champions of Edo State and APC in the 10th National Assembly… very experienced individuals and achievers in private and public sectors.”
“I am excited and confident that Senator Adams Oshiomohle and Senator Monday Okpebholo will put their respective experience and capability to play and they will make positive impact in the Senate,” Inegbeniki said.
But on June 8, Inegbeniki resigned from the APC, shrouding his real reason for quitting, only that: “There comes a time in the life of every man when some hard decisions must be taken not only in one’s interest but in the general interest of his people. This is one of such moments.
“I believe that I have contributed my quota to the growth of the party in my ward, local government area, senatorial district, state, and our country, Nigeria. However, some recent developments in the party in my LGA and state conflict with my core principles and values. This has led me to seriously evaluate my political future in Edo State and decide on the way forward.
“After due consultations with my family, friends, and political associates, I wish to formally inform you of my decision to resign my membership of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and my role as the State Vice Chairman. It is a hard decision, but it is the best in the interest of the good people of my senatorial district.”
Forty-eight hours after, in a chat with members of the Edo State Council of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) in Benin City, Inegbeniki predicted a “political tsunami” in the APC chapter, even as he debunked a viral post that Okpebholo had visited, and prevailed on him to rescind his exit from the party.
Inegbeniki said, with some air: “I was in my house consulting with all my friends and political associates, and I can tell you that I have received calls from far and wide. The only person that has not called me is President Bola Tinubu.
“Okpebholo appeals that I should rescind my decision, and as usual, what is about to happen in APC will be a political tsunami. I’m only leading the way. I cannot rescind my decision because it is about the state. It is not about me but for the improvement of Edo State.
“I am here to tell you that there is no truth in the report that I have rescinded my decision to quit the APC. I stand by my resignation and I have left the APC. I communicated (it) in my letter. 
“At the moment, I need a break, I want to stay out of partisan politics. Any time I change my mind, I will let the world know. I am also an activist and now that I am not a member of any political party, I will talk about the ills taking place in the state.”
Inegbeniki cleared the air that his decision to quit the party had nothing, whatsoever, to do with the recently-constituted APC Edo campaign council from which some party chieftains were reportedly dropped.
Lately, Inegbeniki allegedly added another layer to the reason(s) he exited the APC: That Okpebholo lacks “character, competence and capacity” to be Governor of Edo State. So, barely three months to the September 21 election, Okpebholo, in the estimation of Inegbeniki, has turned out a nonentity, and no longer deserving of the office of Governor?
Yet, in a spate of 10 months, from August 8, 2023 to June 8, 2024, Inegbeniki had identified, and described Okpebholo as “a champion of Edo State and APC in the 10th National Assembly; a very experienced individual; an achiever in private and public sectors; a lawmaker, who will put his experience and capability to play and will make positive impact in the Senate; and in whom the APC leaders and members resposed their confidence by electing him the governorship candidate.”
If Inegbeniki’s altruistic in assessing Okpebholo’s suitability for Governor, he would’ve discovered that many of the qualities he belatedly wanted in a Governor were embedded in his “double congratulations” to Okpebholo when he’s made Chairman, Senate Committee on Public Procurement in August 2023, and when he won the APC double-header primary for the 2024 Edo governorship election!
Hence, Inegbeniki’s latter-day assessment of Okpebholo as unfit for Governor – and that the APC would be hit by a “political tsunami” he’s leading the way – fuels the narrative that his “after-thought” actions have more to do with personal grievances as a politician, whose first – and only priority – is self-interest, and not the public display of platitude of fighting on behalf of the people!

Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria

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Opinion

EFCC vs Bello: Trivialising corruption allegations

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By Ehichioya Ezomon

In my November 18, 2024, article entitled, “That ‘fake’ Sanwo-Olu vs EFCC suit: Whodunit it? Who sponsored it?” I held that snapets from the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) moves to investigate, arrest, detain and prosecute ex-governors “are telegraphed a few months or weeks before they bow out of office,” so giving them the jitters to “either begin to express being squeaky clean, alleging political witch-hunt or daring the EFCC to carry out its threat to make them account for their stewardship.” 
I however observed that lately, the anti-graft agency’s threat against former governors “has become mostly academic, and the norm rather than the exception,” adding that, “it appears some ex-governors now relish being dragged by the EFCC, at least, as a way to keeping themselves in the news after missing the years of free spotlighting.”
Former Governor Yahaya Bello of Kogi State has mostly proved these assertions right, even as he finally presented himself to the EFCC for “arrest and detention,” and arraignment and prosecution for alleged looting of Kogi’s resources during his eight-year tenure in office (2016-2024).
For months, Bello’s engaged in a hide-and-seek, only to suddenly show up at the EFCC headquarters in Abuja on September 18, and yet wasn’t booked, interrogated, or detained – as he’s on the wanted list of the agency and the courts – but with the commission reportedly asking him to leave and come back at a later date. Why?
EFCC’s intel reportedly indicated that Bello’s prepared for a showdown, having allegedly stormed the premises with armed details. Thus, the authorities tactically allowed him to while away for hours in one of the offices. Indeed, EFCC’s later efforts that night to arrest Bello at the Kogi State Government Lodge in Asokoro, Abuja, were allegedly thwarted by his armed guards.
Bello, facing a couple of EFCC’s alleged fraudulent cases in courts in Abuja, continued in his disappearing act, while the commission failed in its attempts to force his trial – in absentia – before Justice Emeka Nwite on October 30 at the Federal High Court in Abuja, where Bello’s facing a 19-count charge for alleged laundering of N84bn.  
But on November 26, Bello – billed for arraignment since April 2024 – reappeared at the EFCC headquarters in Abuja, and this time, the agency “detained” him overnight in the facility he’d avoided for months, as he shunned invitations and court summons to answer for his alleged looting of resources during his governorship of ‘The Confluence State’.
And on November 27, the EFCC arraigned Bello and two others – Shuaibu Oricha and Abdulsalam Hudu – before Justice Maryanne Anenih of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) High Court in Maitama, Abuja, on a 16-count charge for conspiracy, criminal breach of trust and possession of unlawfully-obtained property, amounting to N110.4bn.
After some legal fireworks over bail for the three defendants between the lead counsel for the accused, Joseph Daudu (SAN) and the EFCC, Kemi Pinheiro (SAN), Justice Anenih adjourned ruling on the application to December 10, and directed that the defendants should remain in the EFCC custody.
This notwithstanding the EFCC administrative bail granted to Oricha and Hudu, which Pinheiro argued had expired in October, but with Daudu pointing to a fresh application of November 22, based on the fact that the defendants deserve their liberty on the presumption of innocence until they’re proven guilty, as alleged.
Meanwhile, Bello certainly was in a celebratory mood when – for the first time in over seven months of a cat-and-mouse game with the EFCC – he’s docked for the alleged N110.4bn theft of Kogi’s resources. Dressed in a pair of contact lenses, and a light sky-blue attire, Bello, amidst a throng of aides and political associates,  walked energetically through the expansive premises and into the courtroom of the FCT High Court.
As he covered the distance from the parking lot to the courtroom, Bello’s all smiles – as he turned right and waved with the right hand, and then turned left and waved with the left hand – to acknowledge greetings and cheers from his supporters, many of whom sandwiched him into the court, where he continued to return courtesies even while in the dock to plead not guilty to the charges preferred against him.
Perhaps to Bello, his arraignment was a moment to savour, and bask in the frenzy of journalists and EFCC’s operatives scrambling to capture and record his every posture and every gesture as evidence, and for prime-time broadcast and publication in the mainstream and online media.
A similar scenario played out on November 29, at the Federal High Court in Abuja, where Bello couldn’t take his plea, and had to “stand for himself” in the absence of his lead lawyer in the suit, Abdulwahab Mohammed (SAN).
With well-armed security operatives falling over themselves to dominate the court premises, Bello, with a more somber mien this time, and accompanied by aides, supporters and operatives of the EFCC, still walked briskly into the courtroom, with the door quickly closed behind him. 
Once inside, as reported by PUNCH ONLINE, Bello told trial Justice Emeka Nwite that he won’t take any plea, as he’s only made aware of his arraignment in the night of November 28, and couldn’t get across to his lawyer, Mohammed (SAN). This prompted the judge – in the interest of fair hearing – to order that Mohammed be put on notice for the adjourned date of December 13, and for Bello and his co-defendants to be reminded in the EFCC custody.
The EFCC lawyer, Pinheiro (SAN), attempted to convince Justice Nwite to commence the trial without Bello’s counsel, arguing that, “What the law requires is the presence of the defendant, not the presence of his lawyers.” 
This was reportedly a rehash of a similar argument at the sitting on October 30, when Pinheiro requested that the court proceed with the trial. Noting that two witnesses were present and ready to testify,” Pinheiro suggested that the “court enter a plea of not guilty on Bello’s behalf and commence the trial.”
But as in that prior instance, the judge turned down Pinheiro’s entreaty on November 29, citing Bello’s right to a fair hearing, and reminding the EFCC lawyer that, at the October court session, the matter was adjourned to January 21, 2025.
“The matter came up on the 30th of October 2024. It was adjourned to 21st January 2025. From the statement of the defendant, his lawyers are not aware of today’s (November 29) date. In the interest of fair hearing, I will not proceed for arraignment,” Justice Nwite said.
“This matter is peculiar in the sense that we have already agreed on a date, which is in January. It will be unfair if the matter is taken without the defendant’s counsel. It would be a different thing if the defendant had no counsel.
“Since the defendant has said his counsel is not aware of today’s proceeding, I am of the view that a bench warrant cannot be sacrificed on the altar of fair hearing. The defendant deserves to be represented by counsel,” the judge added.
After the court waited for 45 minutes, “but with no sign of the defence counsel,” Justice Nwite adjourned the matter, directed that Bello remain in the EFCC custody until the next hearing on December 13, and granted Pinheiro’s application for “new date hearing motions and possible arraignment to be served on the defendant’s counsel.”
As the clock ticks towards December 10 at the FCT High Court, and December 13 at the Federal High Court both in Abuja, will Bello and his co-defendants get a bail reprieve, or be further remanded in the EFCC custody, or sent behind bars at one of Nigeria’s capital city’s jail houses, to spend the Yuletide season there? Such would be a canny experience the ex-governor had fought strenuously for months to avoid!

Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria. Can be reached on X, Threads, Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp @EhichioyaEzomon. Tel: 08033078357

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Opinion

Nigeria’s Economic Paradox: A Growing GDP Amidst Widespread Suffering

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Peter Ameh

By Chief Ameh Peter

The National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) recently reported that Nigeria’s GDP grew by 3.46% in the third quarter of 2024. At first glance, this appears to be a promising sign of economic progress. However, the harsh realities on the ground paint a vastly different picture. Widespread hunger, inflation, unemployment, and deteriorating infrastructure reveal a nation grappling with severe economic distress.

The contrast between these glowing statistics and the lived experiences of Nigerians is stark. National grid collapses have become routine, and the condition of roads continues to worsen, with potholes increasing by 100%. Meanwhile, the naira’s value plummets, eroding the purchasing power of ordinary citizens. These realities starkly contradict the optimistic narrative suggested by the NBS figures.

As Benjamin Disraeli aptly put it, “There are three kinds of lies: lies, damned lies, and statistics.” This sentiment rings true in Nigeria’s case, where the government’s reliance on statistical data obscures the suffering of its people. The reported GDP growth is, in reality, a statistical mirage that conceals systemic failures.

At the heart of Nigeria’s economic challenges lies a deeply flawed political system. This system enables incompetent and dishonest individuals to manipulate the electoral process, ascend to power, and perpetuate a culture of corruption, cronyism, and mismanagement. These issues have stifled genuine economic progress and development.

To address these challenges, Nigeria must embark on comprehensive economic reforms focused on transparency, accountability, and good governance. Cost-cutting measures and investments in critical infrastructure—such as roads, electricity, and healthcare—are essential to creating an environment conducive to sustainable economic growth. No country can prosper without reliable power and infrastructure.

Nigeria’s economic paradox serves as a sobering reminder of the urgent need for reform. It is imperative to end the election of incompetent leaders and prioritize national interest over personal gain. The government must move beyond statistical manipulation and focus on fostering an economy that benefits all Nigerians. Only through such genuine efforts can the promise of economic growth become a reality for everyone.

Chief Ameh Peter is the
National Secretary, CUPP
Former National Chairman, IPAC and
Ex-Presidential Candidate

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Opinion

Atiku: An afternoon with a quiet “Gunner” on his 78th

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*Arsenal fans, great "Gunners," at the Abuja residence of former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, GCON, to mark his 78th birthday. From left: Emeka Ihedioha, CON, former Deputy Speaker; Tunde Olusunle; the "birthday boy" himself and diehard Gunner, Atiku; Senator Dino Melaye; Eta Uso (with the red cap); Engr Jide Adeniji and other Gunners

By Tunde Olusunle

When he was asked at dinner with associates and officials last week, how he intended to celebrate his 78th birthday, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, GCON, retorted that he had never decidedly marked the date over time. “For me, it is an occasion for thankfulness to God, for reflection and prayers, and for reaching out to the less privileged,” he explained. “The American University of Nigeria, (AUN), Yola, adopting an American model, hosts me to a “Founder’s Day” event every year, as part of the convocation activities of the institution.
If you’ve followed the pattern over time, there is usually a guest speaker who delivers a lecture on issues of local and global relevance. I’m also allocated a slot to address the gathering as the Founder of the institution.” Continuing, Atiku noted: “Participating in the graduation ceremony of youngsters the age of my grandchildren fills me with tremendous joy.”

*Group photograph of friends and associates of former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who looked in on his 78th birthday recently


Further still, Atiku submits: “I’m delighted that the vision of the AUN, that of availing young people from across the globe, world-class, American-style education in an African context, is being achieved. The university is cosmopolitan in every sense of the word with respect to the diversity of the faculty and the students. The last time I checked, we had about a dozen nationalities in the university community. The President is usually an American. Apart from Nigerians, there are students from South Africa, Rwanda, Cote d’Ivoire, Ghana, Niger, Uganda, Cameroun, and so on.
AUN is training world class, future professionals and leaders, who will drive the future of Africa and the world at large. That alone gives me tremendous joy and fulfilment.”

While Atiku is entitled to his idea of commemorating his birthday, his associates and staff had their own plans. The AUN programme is scheduled for Saturday November 30, 2024. This year’s edition of the event has Peter Obi, CON, former Governor of Anambra State and presidential candidate of the Labour Party, (LP), as guest lecturer. Atiku’s birthday is on Monday November 25, 2024. They could at least get him a cake and lay out lunch buffet for him. By the time Atiku descended into the main lounge in his house that day to go observe the midday prayer, the *Dhuhr,* associates had begun to congregate. Adamu Maina Waziri and Ibrahim Bio, both former Ministers in the administration of former President Umaru Yar’Adua; Kolawole Ogunwale, who formerly represented Osun Central in the Senate, and Sajo Mohammed, former Director of Compliance at the National Lottery Regulatory Commission, (NLRC), were waiting. So was Ekene Onwuka, one of Atiku’s proteges. A spontaneous birthday song rent the air as the “birthday boy” blew the candle of the cake to the applause of his “hosts.”

At lunch, the influx of dignitaries was such that guests who arrived earlier had to constantly yield their seats to newcomers. Reminds of “shifting cultivation,” one of several templates of crop farming which we learnt in elementary school. Senator Ben Obi, CON, Chairman of the Board of Trustees of AUN and Emeka Ihedioha, CON, former Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives and Governor of Imo State, kept faith. Dino Melaye, former Senator representing Kogi West District; Jide Adeniji, a former Managing Director of the Federal Emergency Road Maintenance Agency, (FERMA), and Maxwell Gidado, SAN, Professor and former Special Adviser to Atiku, joined the party.

In the event that Atiku thought that was all, more faces showed up when it was time for a photoshoot after lunch, at the entrance of his home. Mohammed Kumalia, two-term Member Representing Maiduguri Metropolitan Constituency and Kola Ologbondiyan, Emeritus spokesperson of the Peoples Democratic Party, (PDP), were in the house. They joined Atiku’s ever loyal principal officers, notably Dr Azu Ndukwe, Chief Physician; Dr Andy Okolie, Head of Special Duties; Ibrahim Zango, Emeritus diplomat and Principal Secretary; Siddiki Buba Jauro and Eta Uso, Special Assistants on Domestic Affairs Information Technology respectively. You run through the list of attendees at the impromptu birthday and the cosmopolitanism of Atiku rings through. Atiku then personally invite his other aides: Security personnel; protocol officers; police escorts; kitchen staff; drivers, to join him for the photoshoot.

The “birthday programme” thereafter shifted to Atiku’s office wing within his princely complex, even as telephone calls kept coming, customised birthday cards popping up and new arrivals, streaming. Abdul Ahmed Ningi, Senator Representing Bauchi Central Zone; Musa Elayo Abdullahi, Minister of State for Justice under the Obasanjo/Atiku administration; Abdullahi Mai Basira, former PDP National Financial Secretary and Michael Ikeagwonu Ugochinyere, Member Representing Ideato federal constituency, Imo State, all stopped by. Atiku didn’t need to crack his head at any point before engaging with his guests. He knew everyone by name and so addressed them as they shook hands with him and exchanged robust pleasantries, a smile ever playing around his lips.

The highpoint of the unscheduled birthday was the presentation to Atiku, a branded t-shirt of the high-flying English Premier League, (EPL) football club, Arsenal, by Eta Uso, one of his aides. I always knew Atiku was a “Gunner,” the moniker with which we Arsenal friends are known. His doctor, Azu Ndukwe, is as passionate. Atiku knows I’m one as well, and this is one of our areas of mutual convergence. Arsenal was playing this tricky game which we watched together in his comfy living room, one of those midweek evenings. Atiku had to go observe the *Isha’a* prayer so he assigned me the responsibility of monitoring proceedings so I could brief him after the supplication. “Analyst Tunde, what are the scores,” he shot at me immediately he returned. “We are two goals up, Your Excellency.” His face lit up, you would think he had stakes in the club!

So Eta Uso presented this specially branded Arsenal jersey to Atiku, cameras and that flashlights clicking away, that afternoon. That was the prompter to other Gunners in the house who wanted to share the joy of the moment with the celebrant. Emeka Ihedioha, Dino Melaye, Jide Adeniji and I, all rose to join Atiku in celebrating a birthday gift, otherwise simple, but which meant so much to him. Africa’s richest man, Aliko Dangote is equally a very well known Arsenal aficionado who once contemplated buying over the London-based club. High flyers are human after all, and indeed share some of the fascinations of regular people.

After witnessing just how beautifully an unplanned milestone unfolded, you could not but wonder what the colour of the event would have been if it had been intentionally structured. For a man with such overflowing bank of goodwill, onshore and offshore; for a man who has remained a constant in Nigeria’s political dynamics nearly 20 years after he left office; for a man who stands strong and stolid despite serial betrayals and short circuiting over time even by allies, that will be the ultimate carnival. This is wishing the enigmatic *Gooner* Atiku Abubakar, *Wazirin Adamawa,* Prime Minister of Adamawa, a million happy returns of his special day. May pleasant surprises denominate our pathways in life as we rejoice with those who celebrate.

Tunde Olusunle, PhD, a Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA), teaches Creative Writing at the University of Abuja

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