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Barry Ndiomu: A new page at the Amnesty programme

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By Tunde Olusunle

As though following a notoriously familiar trajectory, it would seem like every intervention agency emplaced by the federal government to impact on Nigeria’s Niger Delta region, intrinsically suffers some specie of leadership jinx and dysfunction. The Niger Delta Development Commission, (NDDC), conceived by the Olusegun Obasanjo/Atiku Abubakar administration, and inaugurated in December 2000, has been serially plagued by leadership instability. The Commission was established principally to facilitate the planned, integrated and sustainable multisectoral development of the nation’s oil producing sub-country.

Except for its pioneer chairman, the renowned economist and journalist, Onyema Ugochukwu, none of his successors has run a full course of four years in office as provided by the statutes. More unpredictable has been the position of managing director of the organisation which has turned up almost a dozen occupants since the inception of the concern. All manner of nomenclatures have been coined at various times, to describe holders of the position. There have been: Substantive Managing Directors; Acting Managing Directors; Temporary Managing Directors; Sole Administrators and so on. This is even as the organisation continues to bleed from the buccaneer activities of successive leaderships, who have made a veritable “automated teller machine,” (ATM), of the establishment. The core obligations of the outfit to impact substantially on the beneficiary states, has been largely kept in abeyance.

The Presidential Amnesty Programme, (PAP), was initiated and signed into law by President Umaru Yar’Adua June 25, 2009, to stem youth restiveness, militancy and ruination of oil processing infrastructure, in the same oil-bearing sections of Nigeria. The programme was articulated to execute a quartet of objectives, aimed at mitigating the quantum lawlessness in the region which at some point, had brought oil production figures to barely 700,000 barrels per day. PAP was to pursue the: Disarmament, Demobilisation, Rehabilitation and Reintegration of the militants. Barely 14 years in existence, its turnover of chief executives suggests that successive heads of the establishment, scarcely gross two years in office.

From its inception, PAP has been administered by six chief executives. Lucky Ochuko Ararile, (a retired air vice marshal); Timi Alaibe, (who once served as managing director of the NDDC) and Kingsley Kuku, (a former member of the Ondo State House of Assembly), were Special Advisers to the President on Niger Delta and Coordinators of PAP, at various times. Paul Boroh, (a retired brigadier-general); Charles Quaker Dokubo, (a professor of international affairs) and Milland Dikio, (a retired colonel), have also functioned as chief executives of PAP. Reports of non-adherence to the founding objectives of the body and mind-boggling fiscal malfeasance has regularly dogged the resignations or dismissals of successive heads of the outfit.

Kuku, for instance has been on self-exile since the outset of the incumbent administration, afraid to answer for the humongous heist committed under his watch. His case reminds of Dieziani Alison-Madueke, petroleum minister under the Goodluck Jonathan presidency, who has found safe haven in diaspora in the past eight years, paranoid about the prospects of Nigerian-style inquisition. Alison-Madueke was Jonathan’s ultra-powerful oil minister who could well have passed for an “alternate president” on account of the influence she wielded. Investigators once announced a whopping nine million United States Dollars, (USD), find in the home of Boroh, during a search! Such has been the monumentality of thievery, serially and bold-facedly committed in the name of the Presidential Amnesty Programme.

It was perhaps against this background, that Muhammadu Buhari, undertook a guided search for a new head of the PAP, to realign and sanitise the serially raped and battered organisation, in the months preceding the conclusion of his presidency. He narrowed his quest to Barry Tariye Ndiomu, a retired major-general of the Nigerian Army. A press release endorsed by presidential spokesman, Femi Adesina September 15, 2022, named Ndiomu “Interim Administrator” of the Amnesty Programme. True, other military officers have administered the organisation as detailed in preceding paragraphs. Ndiomu has been specifically headhunted both on the strength of his well-earned, eminently deserving antecedents.

Barry Tariye Ndiomu is the offspring of Charles Bebeye Ndiomu, who was also a distinguished major general in his own generation. The older Ndiomu who graduated from the University of Ibadan in 1963, was commissioned lieutenant in the Nigerian Army, 1964. He was at various times in his most eventful career: Commandant, Nigerian Military School, (NMS), Zaria; Director, Army Education Corps, Lagos, and Director-General, National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies, (NIPSS), Kuru, Jos. It is a measure of how highly the older Ndiomu was held in his time, that he chaired a high profile military tribunal in 1985. The “military court” tried and sentenced former member of the Armed Forces Ruling Council, (AFRC), Mamman Jiya Vatsa and his accomplices to death for complicity in a coup plot against the administration of Ibrahim Babangida.

My singular, fleeting and faintest encounter with the younger Ndiomu was in May 2022. I was invited to the first year anniversary memorial of the former Chief of Army Staff, (COAS), Lt. General Attahiru Ibrahim, who died in a plane crash, early 2021. I have very special admiration for Attahiru who brought spark and sparkle into his schedule for the brief period of his superintendence. I never met him though. Nobel Laureate, Wole Soyinka was also on the bill for the event. As a literary student, it is always a blessing to listen to, read and learn from prodigies and masters of the the Word. Ndiomu and I were introduced to each other and we shook hands at the pre-event cocktail of the Attahiru programme in Sheraton Hotel, Abuja, which has been rechristened “Abuja Continental Hotel.” We melted into the anonymity of our various seats in the events’ hall as the programme proper kicked off.

Tariye Ndiomu was a toddler when his father joined the army in 1964. He was sufficiently inspired by his father’s career evolution, however, that he fantasised about emulating that courageous precedence. He would later join the army as a member of the “Course 29” graduates of the Nigerian Defence Academy, (NDA), and was commissioned second lieutenant in 1983. This was after completing his West Africa School Certificate Examination, (WASCE) at the Federal Government College, (FGC), Ilorin. He was deployed to the elite “military police,” (MP) corps, famous for their red berets and smart khaki-ed turnouts.

A rugged soldier, the younger Ndiomu refused to be pampered or protected as son of a “very senior general,” preferring to earn his own epaulettes, medals and decorations by dint of consistent hard work and merit. He fought bravely on the frontlines in Liberia, àt the height of the Charles Taylor-engineered civil war in that country, which began in the twilight of 1989. That was the glorious era of global acclaim for Nigeria’s military when the country initiated the Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group, (ECOMOG), intervene and stabilise the country. Nigeria mobilised other West African countries to donate troops to the exercise, which was substantially funded by the country. Nigeria was the de facto “policeman” of the subregion within that era.

Ndiomu would later serve as Garrison Commander, Nigerian Army Headquarters, (NA-AHQ). In this capacity in 2014, he constituted a general court martial presided over by C C Okonkwo, also a brigadier-general, at the time. The court martial investigated the case of “mutiny and attempted murder” of Ahmadu Mohammed, General Officer Commanding, (GOC) of the 7 Division of the army, headquartered in Maiduguri. He rose to position of Chief of Training and Operations, (CTOP), Army Headquarters, the core of military thought and strategy, among other command and staff appointments he held, before his meritorious retirement as major general, in December 2017. “Ndiomu Junior” equalled the highest rank of his father.

Ever treading the tracks of his illustrious forbear, he enrolled for a law degree programme at the “UI,” and was called to the Nigerian bar. He equally attended the famous NIPSS, where his father left glittering footprints as a former head of the institution. He thus has the ascription “mni” after his name, the full meaning of which is “Member of the National Institute.” He has subjected himself to various capacity-building courses and trainings, at home and abroad, including attending the Administrative Staff College, (ASCON), Topo, Badagry and the Havard Kennedy School, in the United States. He has also attended the George C. Marshall Centre for European Security Studies.

Barry Tariye Ndiomu was born May 2, 1963, the second of eight children born by his father and his mother, Grace, who turned 84 on her last birthday. His siblings include: Valentine Ndiomu, (his immediate elder brother, who was a very senior officer in the Nigerian Customs Service, (NCS), of blessed memory). There are also: Denyi, (who holds a doctorate); Ibizie Ndiomu-Brown, (deputy chief of staff to former governor Seriake Dickson); Liyi, (a former executive in Mobil); Didi, (Chairperson of the “General Ibrahim Attahiru Foundation,”); Tina and Miedo. The family hails from Odoni in Sagbama local government area of Bayelsa State.

The new Amnesty Programme Coordinator has his job cut out. In the weeks and months preceding Ndiomu’s appointment, there was loud public clamour for the disbandment of the outfit. It was believed to have become utterly dysfunctional and outlived its usefulness. It had repeatedly failing to justify the reasons for its setting up 14 years ago. National Security Adviser, (NSA) Baba Gana Mungono, also a retired major-general, in 2020, had informed Nigerians that over N700 Billion had been provided for the smooth functioning of the PAP, without visible results or tangible success. Having failed to meet public expectations therefore, there was vociferous advocacy for its decisive proscription.

Ndiomu is very conscious of the unenviable reputation the organisation has earned over time, desiring to chart a new path, retooling and refocusing the PAP. He tells us: “It is my desire to uphold the sanctity of the core values for the establishment of the Amnesty Programme.” According to him, his dispensation will be conscientiously different from former eras. His words: “Under my watch, we shall place premium on transparency, accountability and hard work. There shall be very clear departure from the past trajectory. Ours will be a purposeful and result-oriented administration.”

Ndiomu can be taken for his word and promise. He comes into his job with very huge credits of integrity, honesty, dedication and patriotism. He is focused and fortright, an ideal officer and gentleman. He has begun well, interfacing with stakeholders in the amnesty programme, across the span of his “AOR,” as the military will say, to mean area of responsibility. While he can be trusted to invest his aggregate perspiration on his brief, Ndiomu also needs every ounce of understanding, goodwill and support, in the discharge of his duties.

Tunde Olusunle, PhD, poet, journalist, scholar and author, is a Member of the Nigerian Guild of Editors, (NGE)

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Opinion

BENUE 2027:The Apa/Agatu Quest for Equity

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By Tunde Olusunle

It may be well over two years to the next cycle of general elections in Nigeria. For the people of Apa/Agatu federal constituency in *Benue South, however, the measure of their participation and integration into the governance scheme will be defined in the run-up to the general polls that year. Nine local government areas make up the predominantly Idoma country of Benue State also labelled Zone C in the senatorial tripod of the geo-polity. The zone is also home to the Igede ethnic stock and the Etulo. Local government areas in “Benue Zone C” include: Apa, Agatu, Oju, Obi, Ado, Ogbadibo, Okpokwu, Otukpo and Ohimini. The other zones, Benue North East and Benue North West, are wholly dominated by the Tiv nationality, striding across 14 local government areas. They are christened Zone A and Zone B in the local political scheme of the state. Federal constituencies in Benue South are: Apa/Agatu, Oju/Obi; Ado/Ogbadibo/Opokwu and Otukpo/Ohimini.

The subjugation of groups and ethnicities considered demographically smaller, by the larger groups which has dominated Nigeria’s politics over time, has not been any different for the Idoma of Benue State. Until the circumstantial emergence of a Yahaya Bello from the Ebira ethnicity in Kogi State in 2015, the Igala had the relay baton of governorship of Kogi State, in rounds and succession. The Ebiras and the Okun-Yoruba zones in the state could only aspire to be serial deputies or Secretaries to the State Government. This political template was virtually cast in stone. The Ilorin people of Kwara State have similarly wholly warehoused the gubernatorial office, sparingly conceding the position to other sociocultural groups in the state. The only exception was the concession of the seat to a candidate from Kwara South, in the person of Abdulfatah Ahmed, by his predecessor, Bukola Saraki in 2011. Even at that, there were murmurs and dissent from those who believed Ahmed came from a community too close to the Ilorin emirate to be of genuine Igbomina stock, which prides itself as the pure Yoruba species in Kwara State.
Twenty-six years into the Fourth Republic, the maximum proximity of the Idoma to Government House, Makurdi, has been by the customary allocation of the Deputy Governor’s slot to its people. Ogirri Ajene from Oju/Obi, the charismatic blue-blood of blessed memory, was deputy to George Akume, incumbent Secretary to the Government of the Federation, (SGF), from 1999 to 2007. Akume it was reported, genuinely desired to be succeeded by Ajene who exhibited competence and loyalty and could build on their legacies. The Tiv nation we understand, shot down the proposal. Gabriel Suswam succeeded Akume and had the urbane multipreneur, Stephen Lawani from Ogbadibo as deputy. Samuel Ortom, a Minister in the Goodluck Jonathan presidency who took over from Suswam opted for Benson Abounu, an engineer from Otukpo as running mate, while Hyacinth Alia, the Catholic priest who succeeded Ortom, also chose as deputy, Samuel Ode, who was also a Minister in the Jonathan government, from Otukpo. Arising from this precedence, Apa/Agatu has not for once, been considered for a place in Government House, Makurdi.
In similar fashion, the position of Senator representing Benue South, has repeatedly precluded Apa/Agatu federal constituency. David Alechenu Bonaventure Mark a former army General from Otukpo, took the first shot at the office in 1999. He was to remain in the position for five consecutive times, a distinctive record by Nigerian standards. Mark would subsequently become President of the Senate and the third most senior political office holder in the nation’s governance scheme for a string of two terms between 2007 and 2015. He was replaced by Patrick Abba Moro, who hails from Okpokwu and was a former teacher, in 2019. Abba Moro who previously served as Minister of Interior in the Jonathan government from 2011 to 2015, won a second term at the 2023 general elections and remains substantive Senator for “Benue Zone C.” He is indeed incumbent Minority Leader of the Senate, and thus a principal officer in the leadership scheme of the “red chambers.”
While Moro is barely two years into his second term, there are suggestions that he is interested in a third term which should run from 2027 to 2031! This is the core issue which has dominated contemporary political discourse in Benue South, especially from the Apa/Agatu bloc. For Apa/Agatu, it is bad enough that they are repeatedly bypassed in the nomination of deputy governors in the scheme of state politics. It is worse that they are equally subjugated by their own kinsmen within the context of politics in *Idoma and Igede land.* This is particularly worrying when both local government areas constituting the Apa/Agatu federal constituency, Apa and Agatu, are not in anyway deficient in human resources to represent Benue South. Names like John Elaigwu Odogbo, the incumbent *Och’Idoma* and respected clergy; Isa Innocent Ekoja, renowned Professor and Librarian; Sonny Togo Echono, FNIA, OON, Executive Secretary, Tertiary Education Trust Fund, (TETFUND), and John Mgbede, Emeritus State Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party, (PDP), Benue State, readily come to mind.
Major General R.I. Adoba, (rtd), a former Chief Training and Operations in the Nigerian Army; Professor Emmanuel Adanu, former Director of the Kaduna-based National Water Resources Institute, (NWRI) and the US-based specialist in internal medicine, Dr Raymond Audu, are eminent Apa/Agatu constituents. There are also Ada Egahi, long-serving technocrat who retired from the National Primary Healthcare Development Agency, (NPHDA), and Super Eagles forward, Moses Simon, (why not, hasn’t the retired soccer star, George Opong Weah just completed his term as President of Liberia)? The Member Representing Apa/Agatu in the House of Representatives, Godday Samuel Odagboyi, an office previously held by Solomon Agidani, as well as Adamu Ochepo Entonu, is, like his predecessors, a prominent figure from the resourceful Apa/Agatu federal constituency.
The Olofu brothers, Tony Adejoh, a retired Assistant Inspector General of Police, (AIG), and David, PhD, a renowned management and financial strategist, who is also an Emeritus Member of the Benue State Executive Council during the Ortom dispensation, are from the same federal constituency. So is Abu Umoru, a serial entrepreneur who represents Apa State Constituency in the Benue State House of Assembly. The continuing intra-zonal alienation of Apa-Agatu from the politics of Benue Zone C, remains a sore thumb which must be clinically diagnosed and intentionally treated in the run-up to 2027.
If previous top level political office holders from Idomaland in general and Apa/Agatu in particular, had diligently applied themselves to tangible, multisectoral development of the zone and constituency, the present clamour for inclusiveness would probably been less vociferous. *River Agatu* which flows from Kogi State, and runs through Agatu before emptying into *River Benue,* is a potential game changer in the socioeconomy of Apa/Agatu, Benue South and Benue State in general. Properly harnessed, it can revolutionise agriculture and aquaculture in the state, beyond subsistence levels which are the primary vocations of the indigenous people. Rice, yam, guinea corn, millet and similar grains, thrive in the fertile soils of the area. These can support “first level” processing of produce and guarantee value addition beneficial to the primary producers, before being shipped to other markets. River Agatu can indeed be dammed to provide hydro-electricity to power the entire gamut of Idomaland.
The infrastructure deficit in Benue South with specific reference to Apa/Agatu is equally very concerning. A notable pattern in Nigerian politics is its self-centeredness, the penchant for political players to prioritise their personal wellbeing and the development of their immediate space. This has accentuated the ever recurring desire of people to ascend the political pedestals of their predecessors if that is the principal window by which they can also privilege their own primary constituents. Motorable roads are non-existent, seamless travel between communities therefore encumbered. Expectedly this has been a major impediment to subsistent trade and social engagements between constituents and their kinsmen. Primary health facilities are almost non-existent, compelling people to flock to Otukpo, headquarters of Benue South, for the minutest of medical advice and treatment.
Apa/Agatu pitiably bleeds from the relentless and condemnable activities of vagrants and bandits who have reduced the constituency into a killing field. Reports suggest that in the past 15 years, no less than 2500 lives were lost to the vicious attacks of marauders and trespassers in the area under reference. This unnerving situation has compelled engagements between concerned Apa/Agatu leaders, and the leadership of the Nigeria Police Force, (NPF). The prayer is for the swift establishment of a mobile police outpost in the troubled sub-zone to contain bloodletting. The proposal, anchored by AIG Tony Olofu, NPOM, (rtd), and Echono, has received the blessings of the police high command. At the last update, a commander for the outfit had been named, while the deployment of personnel had begun in earnest.
It is very clear that in the march towards 2027, Apa/Agatu will refuse, very vehemently, to be sidelined and trampled upon in the political scheme of their senatorial zone. Abba Moro may desire a third term in the Senate, but the people of Apa/Agatu are quick to remind him that his curriculum vitae as a politician is sufficiently sumptuous for him to yield the seat in the “red chambers” and sit back like an elder statesman. They remind you that for a man who began his working life modestly as a lecturer in the Federal Polytechnic, Ugbokolo in 1991, Abba Moro has done extremely well for himself in Nigerian politics. For reminders, Abba Moro was elected Chairman of Okpokwu local government in the state as far back as 1998. Ever since, he has remained a permanent fixture in Nigeria’s national politics.
The people of Apa/Agatu will put up a determined fight for the Benue South senatorial seat in 2027, and no one should begrudge them. They are the proverbial ram which was pushed to the wall, which must of necessity push back with angered horns to liberate itself. They are already engaging with their kith across “Benue Zone C” to ensure that intra-zonal equity, fairness and justice, prevails in communal politics.

Tunde Olusunle, PhD, Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA), teaches Creative Writing at the University of Abuja

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Opinion

The Prince Adebayo prescriptions for ease of doing Business: 15 Take-Aways

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By Dr. Ag Zaki

On Thursday, 9 January 2025, Prince Adewole Adebayo presented a keynote address at the Radisson Blu Hotel, Ikeja, Lagos. The occasion was the annual conference of a group of professionals, business executives and experts codenamed J9C for January 9 Collective. The theme of the Conference was “Business and Policy Strategy: Examining the Role of Reform in enhancing the ease of doing business in Nigeria.” Prince Adebayo is a versatile cerebral man of many parts, a lawyer, a multimedia practitioner, a real estate investor, a large-scale miner, a philanthropist, a community developer, and the 2023 Presidential Candidate of the Social Democratic Party (SDP). The organisers of the J9C conference introduced him as an intercontinental lawyer because he currently practices law in over sixteen countries.

The full speech of Prince Adebayo at the occasion is available online and can be accessed by clicking at this url: https://youtu.be/SsHkcJbVNRg?si=ebvoOVqGh0zVOsnt or by scanning the QR code above. However, we are presenting the salient take-aways from this most incisive keynote address below for the convenience of interested persons and for the public good.

THE TAKE-AWAYS
Preamble
1. Not every change of policy or programme is a reform. A reform is a fundamental change in the activities, programmes, and policies structured to cause improvement. Genuine government reforms are people oriented and so citizens can interject, comment or contribute.
2. Reform may be internally motivated, externally forced or imposed, or technological driven.
3. The government of Nigeria must first reform itself to be able to implement development-oriented reforms to improve the country’s economic performance.

In general terms
4. Fiscal and monetary reforms are critical and are urgently required in Nigeria. While government can freely control its fiscal reforms, it must be bound by market forces for realistic and realisable monetary reforms.
5. Economic reforms must positively affect developmental policies, programmes and projects to engender economic growth, increase in efficiency, and lead to stability. Economic and political reforms must be implemented pari-passu for untainted policies and programmes.
6. Urgent structural reforms are required in areas of legal reforms, laws on banking controls and regulations, lending and borrowing as well as land matters.

In specific terms
7. Reforms which are aimed at targeting ease of doing business must be aligned with the Malam Aminu Kano maxim that “all civil servants should abstain from contracts or business”.
8. Nigeria must break the current odious and unwholesome conspiracies between policy makers, civil servants, and contractors, which can lead to irreversible endemic corruption, long foreseen by the revered Malam Aminu Kano, and which can permanently damage the economy.
9. Structural reforms must ensure that land laws open up maximum benefits and potentials of the land, encourage labour productivity and efficient and transparent entrepreneurship rules including registration, capital and lending matters.
10. Tax reforms should be broad-based, not about sharing of revenue but promoting productivity and competitiveness in all aspects of endeavours and infrastructure reforms should make transportation of people and goods safe and cost effective.
11. Monitoring economic crimes must be thorough and should go beyond arresting of “Yahoo boys” and those spraying Naira notes, but those devaluing the Naira and abusing economic rules and regulations.

Warnings
12. Adebayo left some stern terse warnings for the business sector and for the government of Nigeria.
13. Business executives and professionals should not ask or encourage government for specific reforms but for general broad-based reforms as firm-specific reforms can enhance operations of specific firms or business in the short term but will ultimately kill the industry.
14. Government should not meddle into business or be guided by partisan businessmen; government should meet business only at the junction of regulatory framework.
15. Government should be selfless and honest in carrying out reforms, incorporate measurable performance indices and ensure that reforms are implemented in a way not to inflict pains or punishment on the people.

# DrZaki25, 903 Tafawa Balewa Way, Abuja

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Opinion

Governor Monday Okpebholo: A Blessing to Edo State

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Monday Okpebholo

By Eigbefo Felix

His Excellency, Senator Monday Okpebholo, the Executive Governor of Edo State, has demonstrated that he is a blessing to the state through his policies, appointments, initiation of road construction across the three senatorial districts, and his deep love for the people of Edo State.

Governor Monday Okpebholo has begun fulfilling the five-point agenda he promised the good people of the state since his inauguration.

In the area of security, he has shown total commitment. He assured the people of Edo State that he would ensure their safety, and true to his word, the state remains peaceful, which has brought joy to its residents. He has provided the necessary support to security personnel.

The governor increased the subvention for Ambrose Alli University (AAU) from ₦40 million to ₦500 million. He also promised to address the issues facing AAU medical students. Additionally, he has started renovating primary and secondary schools across the state, underscoring his understanding of the importance of education.

The agricultural sector has taken a positive turn as Governor Okpebholo has allocated ₦70 billion to the sector. Recognizing agriculture’s importance to both the state and the nation, he is positioning Edo State to become the food basket of the nation with his investments in the sector.

During the electioneering period, Senator Okpebholo promised to create 5,000 jobs within his first 100 days in office. He has already begun the process, and soon, the people of Edo State will benefit from these employment opportunities. Unlike in the past, he will not rely on MOUs before making appointments. Furthermore, he has started appointing Edo State indigenes, rather than outsiders, to various positions.

Governor Okpebholo has commenced road projects across the state, from Edo South to Edo Central and Edo North. He believes that when roads are motorable, the prices of goods in the market will automatically reduce.

He has also begun investing in the health sector, understanding its critical importance to the people of Edo State.

Governor Monday Okpebholo’s initiatives and actions affirm his dedication to transforming Edo State for the better.

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