Opinion

The Atiku Abubakar you may not know

Published

2 years ago

August 22, 2022

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By Tunde Olusunle

For those who may not know, Atiku Abubakar, Nigeria’s former Vice President and presidential flagbearer of the Peoples’ Democratic Party, (PDP), is an extremely organised character. He is a system’s person who is meticulous, painstaking and regulations-compliant. Ask those who know him closely, or have worked with him in the past. Ask Chris Mammah, (his former media adviser); Abdullahi Nyako, (his principal private secretary); Azu Ndukwe, (his longserving personal physician), or Olusola Akanmode, (his erstwhile chief of staff).

You may also ask Olusegun Ajuwon, (his former family physician) or Jide Adeniji, (his close associate). Both gentlemen had known Atiku many years preceding his emergence at the highest hierarchies of our contemporary democratic dispensation, back in the days in Yola. How about Andy Okolie, (subsisting head of Atiku’s secretariat) or Tokunbo Adeola, (one of his former aides), who continues to be in close contact with Atiku? I should also know a thing or two about his work regimen too, after being associated with him for two and half decades now. Atiku typically has his plans and itineraries, which define his local and international engagements, all pre-planned and worked out. Except of course for emergencies and save-our-soul situations, which may precipitate adjustments.

My first encounter with Atiku was back late 1998. Mammah who previously had a relationship with Atiku, had joined us in the publicity directorate of the “Obasanjo Presidential Campaign Organisation.” He had risen to be deputy editor in The Punch in the early 1990s, and branched out to float a news magazine, The Week. He received support and encouragement from Atiku, who was more or less the quiet proprietor of the publication. Onyema Ugochukwu, our revered senior professional colleague, was the director of publicity. I was also on the team as the “mobile component” of the department, ever present with Obasanjo as he travelled around the country cultivating delegates and supporters, ahead of the presidential primary, scheduled for early 1999. I took notes, filed news stories and wrote articles. Ugochukwu was the professional leader of the directorate and administrator as well.

It was, at that time, a fait accompli that Atiku would be the first governor of Adamawa State, in the fourth republic. Aside this, however, Atiku was be the new leader of the Peoples’ Democratic Movement, (PDM), a pan-Nigerian political organisation, established by Shehu Musa Yar’Adua, deputy to Obasanjo during his days as military head of state. Yar’Adua, elder brother to Umaru Yar’Adua, had rapidly metamorphosed into formidable politician and political force post-retirement from the military, whose pan-Nigerian political whirlstorm, threatened the military administrations of Ibrahim Babangida and Sani Abacha, respectively. He died in controversial circumstances in incaceration, under Abacha’s watch.

Atiku, hitherto the deputy to Yar’Adua, was formally consecrated leader of the movement. Besides being governor-in-waiting for Adamawa State therefore, he was a force to be reckoned with in the emerging national political calculus. Mammah thought
Ugochukwu should meet Atiku formally and got him an appointment. I tagged along with them to the Victoria Island, Lagos home of the latter. We were well received by Atiku, famous for his public relations savvy, even as he ushered Ugochukwu into a private section for their short meeting. Ugochukwu would later share with me in the car and we drove back, that Atiku came forth to him as a “risk taker,” a daring person.
Following the January 1999 gubernatorial elections, Atiku was to become the rallying point of most of his governor colleagues. They deferred to him for guidance and mentorship.

We will yet discuss Atiku’s emergence as running mate to Obasanjo, and subsequently, the Vice President. Early in the life of the administration, however, Atiku swiftly demonstrated his capacity as a pragmatic problem-solver. Recognising his limitations in terms of the number of aides he could engage to work with him, he reached out to friendly governors to relieve him of the burden. His argument: “These people worked for us, they have been with us. We cannot throw them away, we will still need them.” Indeed, at the point his Principal, Obasanjo was in a bind about how to accommodate the pool of technocrats who assisted with the presidential project, Atiku it was who made a brilliant suggestion to the President, to the latter’s eternal relief.

Obasanjo had requested the National Assembly, to approve his appointment of 12 Special Advisers, which worked out at two per geopolitical zone. Having spontaneously filled the slots, however, Obasanjo still had several scholars and tested professionals, in the lurch. How were notable personalities like Ahmadu Ali, (a former Minister of Education under the military, then referred to as “federal commissioner”); Haroun Adamu, (political scientist and university scholar) and Stanley Macebuh, (distinguished journalist and scholar), to be incorporated into the emerging scheme? How about an Onyema Ugochukwu who was roundly criticised by his Igbo kinsmen for working for Obasanjo, when an Alex Ekwueme was also running? There were others like Ad’Obe Obe, (respected journalist and resource person); Babalola Borishade, (a professor of chemical engineering) among others.

Since Obasanjo didn’t require the parliament’s approval of aides like Special Assistants, (SAs) and Personal Assistants, (PAs), Atiku ingeniously reckoned that a new deck of adviser-level appointees could be created to take in deserving technocrats. Obasanjo bought the idea of having an aggregation of quality “Senior Special Assistants,” (SSAs). He had sound sleep once that was sorted out. It is a measure of the quality and capacity of many appointees within this pool and bracket, that they were serially detailed to higher responsibilities. Ahmadu Ali went on to become the National Chairman of the PDP; Borishade was upgraded Minister, while Ugochukwu was entrusted with the responsibility of pioneering the actualisation of Obasanjo’s pet project, the Niger Delta Development Commission, (NDDC).

Atiku shocked many when he took up the gauntlet to appear in person in an exclusive,ctop-notch Lagos nightclub, to meet regular Nigerians and answer inquiries about the administration which was just settling down, way back in 1999. This was several years before Vice President Yemi Osinbajo’s publicised, pre-election visit in 2019, to the Afrika Shrine, a prominent events centre and address of Femi Anikulapo-Kuti, scion of the afrobeat exponent, Fela, in Lagos. The Niteshift Coliseum, hitherto the Numero Uno hub of entertainment and networking in Lagos, invited Obasanjo to its signature event, The Grand House Reception, (GHR). Before the date the event was to hold, however, Obasanjo had proceeded on a pre-scheduled foreign engagement. Atiku desired to make the point that his boss was not averse to attending the programme, but for his trip abroad. He volunteered to stand in for his principal. Did Ugochukwu perceive this side of Atiku when he suggested he was a “risk taker?”

Here was a Fulani man, a muslim, Nigeria’s second-in-command, obliging to participate in an event in a discotheque, supposedly! Mammah, Onukaba Adinoyi-Ojo and I, erstwhile regulars at Niteshift, accompanied Atiku. Proprietor of the place, the self-styled Guv’nor, Ken Calebs-Olumhense, led the welcome party. Reuben Abati, yes, our same Abati of The Guardian, Thisday and Arise Television variously, my good friend, was the compere. Trust the crust and cream of the media and entertainment to be in attendance at such high tension gbedus, as such high octane events at the Coliseum were described. The Ray Ekpus, Yemi Ogunbiyis, Taiwo Obileyes, the younger Nduka Obaigbenas, Ohi Alegbes, Ide Eguabors, Ehi Brimahs, Seye Kehindes, Mayor Akinpelus and so on, were at the event.

Atiku sat through the questions posed to him at the Celebrity Interview, by the very excited and enthusiastic audience and answered them confidently, diligently, not losing his composure for a minute. He sat through the drill for well over an hour, to the unnerving distress of his protocol and security aides. In-house nightclub services proceeded side-by-side with the interactive session, lagers and liquors, wines and spirits making the rounds, before an unperturbed Atiku. He received a standing ovation after the official segment of the event, but the audience requested him to dance to one song before he exited!

You couldn’t but envy Atiku’s taste for quality, and his deliberate exertions in talent-hunting as an administrator. As a media professional myself who served in the Official Secretariat of the President, I was eternally envious at the content and quality of my professional colleagues in the Vice President’s wing of the State House. Onukaba, (holder of a doctorate), who just returned from his tour of duty as chief executive of the Daily Times, was SSA. Garba Shehu, (yes the same one who speaks for President Muhammadu Buhari) and Adeolu Akande, (now a professor and Chairman of the Board of the Nigerian Communications Commission, (NCC), were Special Assistants. Remarkably, both Shehu and Akande despite their privileged positions, have not lost touch with their friends and primary constituency. Shehu locates you in a function and comes over to exchange pleasantries and handshakes. Akande picks your call at the first dial, ever humble and unassuming, a true Yoruba omoluabi.

Chike Okolocha, (now a university professor) was speechwriter, while Andy Okolie, (who holds a doctorate), managed the VP’s paperwork. If you’ve noticed the ethno-religious imbalance in the incumbent government, you cannot but applaud the striking cosmopolitanism of Atiku’s official configuration. It complemented the prototype in the President’s section of the presidential villa. Both men tallied in their preference and recognition for the content of the vessel, not its colour. This is the enervating perspiration Atiku brings to governance and administration. Unfortunately, Atiku was serially misconstrued and misrepresented on this score, as being over-ambitious in setting up a personnel infrastructure which depth and diversity, which could almost run the media office of the United Nations, (UN)! The spin was: Why did he require such a formidable team, if he wasn’t thinking of upstaging his boss in anyway? Whisperers exacerbated tensions between both big men and here we are.

Atiku shocked me at midnight on Saturday March 30, 2005. It was a landmark birthday for me, and my friends had come from far and near to celebrate with me. Tivlumun Nyitse, (incumbent chief of staff to the Benue State governor); Segun Ilori, (an attorney and legal adviser to an energy firm), and Tunji Bamishigbin, (also an attorney and reputable film director), among others, were in town. We ended up in a pub in Abuja’s city centre, we had drinks and refreshments. In the music-filled din of the arena, I got a telephone call, well past midnight. I picked it up and the caller said I should hold on a second to speak with Turaki. “Turaki” was Atiku’s titular brand for decades, until his upgrade to Waziri just a few years back. I was astonished. “Tunde, congratulations on your milestone…” I was trying to explain that my location was noisy, and I wanted to step out, but he continued. “Never mind, Tunde, have fun. I’m happy for you. I wish you many happy returns of today. You will receive my congratulatory letter later this morning and something to ensure that the celebration continues!” That was the Number Two man in Nigeria straining his voice on phone just to wish me well.

Sunday March 5, 2017, Nigeria lost one of its finest journalists and plawrights, Onukaba Adinoyi-Ojo. He died escaping from robbers by fleeing into the bush, only to be killed by a car which lost control, while escaping from the robbers, close to Akure in Ondo State. Upon hearing about the sad and unfortunate development, Atiku’s immediate concern was the education of Onukaba’s children. He knew my very close relationship with our departed friend and his family, and told me of his intention to set up an endowment fund, specifically for the education his kids: “You and your team are not to entertain shopping lists, Tunde. This is strictly about the education of Ojo’s children,” he admonished.

He would later inform me that he had in the past, helped out with the education of the children of friends and indeed people he barely knew, who passed on, midlife. Chike Chigbue, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, (SAN), a vibrant attorney and personal solicitor for Atiku, and Godwin Agbroko, a respected journalist who Atiku barely ever knew, featured on the list. Onukaba’s children were all pretty young, the eldest being 14 when he died. The youngest was just about a year old. Bimbo Daramola, a former federal parliamentarian and I collaborated to arrange a formal launch for the Endowment Fund. A “Board of Trustees” for the Onukaba Adinoyi-Ojo Endowment Fund, was duly registered with the Corporate Affairs Commission, (CAC) and I was appointed Chairman of the body.

Instructively, apart from his financial contribution to the Fund, which remains the biggest individual intervention, Atiku promised to grant full scholarships to any of Onukaba’s children who desired to study at the American University of Nigeria, (AUN), Yola, owned by him. Asuku Onukaba, who was 16 in 2019, applied for admission into the institution and met all the entry requirements. Atiku was away in Dubai and I reached him through his “mobile secretariat,” ably manned by Nyako and Okolie. On August 19, 2019, Atiku conveyed his approval of full scholarship for the young Onukaba, to study his desired Software Engineering programme. That date remains a landmark in the Onukaba family.

The typically thorough Atiku advised the President, (equivalent of Vice Chancellor) of the AUN at the time, Dawn Dekle, to liaise with me on the subject. Relevant university officials, notably Usman Isa of the admissions office were equally detailed to be in touch. Happily too, on ground at the AUN to provide fatherly cover for Asuku, was our friend and colleague, Dan Okereke, Director of Communications in the institution, who knew his late father well. We all kept communicating until Asuku safely arrived Yola, Tuesday August 27, 2019, with his stepmother, Maimunat Onukaba and were picked up by university officials. Asuku’s scholarship package as approved by Atiku was so comprehensive that it entitled him to a brand new laptop! The one he took along from home which he won during an inter-school competition, therefore, had to be returned.

Asuku resumes into 400 level later this month, gradually inching towards the completion of his degree programme. The Board of Trustees of the Onukaba Adinoyi-Ojo Endowment Fund, didn’t go lounging in Atiku’s corridors or waiting forever for his return from his foreign trip, to make progress on the issue. All of these were resolved by the grace of technology. We were also dealing with an e-savvy personality, who even in old age, humbled himself to return to the classroom, to study for a masters degree in international relations from the Anglia Ruskin University, United Kingdom.

I won’t forget the genial, jovial side of Atiku. We were in his house one of those days and he invited us over to dinner table. Atiku’s charisma regularly keeps people around him. It was a buffet, and we all had to stand in a file while people took their rations, went round and returned to their seats. Atiku came in my direction en route to accessing his seat. Tried as I could, the access was still constrained. Looking at my face, he threw one at me: “Tunde, see how your big belle has taken up the whole space. You don’t want me to pass, abi?” The room erupted in raucous laughter!
And that is the Atiku Abubakar you just may not know.

Tunde Olusunle, PhD, poet, journalist, author and scholar, is a Member of the Nigerian Guild of Editors, (NGE).

Opinion

BENUE 2027:The Apa/Agatu Quest for Equity

Published

5 days ago

January 14, 2025

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By Tunde Olusunle

It may be well over two years to the next cycle of general elections in Nigeria. For the people of Apa/Agatu federal constituency in *Benue South, however, the measure of their participation and integration into the governance scheme will be defined in the run-up to the general polls that year. Nine local government areas make up the predominantly Idoma country of Benue State also labelled Zone C in the senatorial tripod of the geo-polity. The zone is also home to the Igede ethnic stock and the Etulo. Local government areas in “Benue Zone C” include: Apa, Agatu, Oju, Obi, Ado, Ogbadibo, Okpokwu, Otukpo and Ohimini. The other zones, Benue North East and Benue North West, are wholly dominated by the Tiv nationality, striding across 14 local government areas. They are christened Zone A and Zone B in the local political scheme of the state. Federal constituencies in Benue South are: Apa/Agatu, Oju/Obi; Ado/Ogbadibo/Opokwu and Otukpo/Ohimini.

The subjugation of groups and ethnicities considered demographically smaller, by the larger groups which has dominated Nigeria’s politics over time, has not been any different for the Idoma of Benue State. Until the circumstantial emergence of a Yahaya Bello from the Ebira ethnicity in Kogi State in 2015, the Igala had the relay baton of governorship of Kogi State, in rounds and succession. The Ebiras and the Okun-Yoruba zones in the state could only aspire to be serial deputies or Secretaries to the State Government. This political template was virtually cast in stone. The Ilorin people of Kwara State have similarly wholly warehoused the gubernatorial office, sparingly conceding the position to other sociocultural groups in the state. The only exception was the concession of the seat to a candidate from Kwara South, in the person of Abdulfatah Ahmed, by his predecessor, Bukola Saraki in 2011. Even at that, there were murmurs and dissent from those who believed Ahmed came from a community too close to the Ilorin emirate to be of genuine Igbomina stock, which prides itself as the pure Yoruba species in Kwara State.
Twenty-six years into the Fourth Republic, the maximum proximity of the Idoma to Government House, Makurdi, has been by the customary allocation of the Deputy Governor’s slot to its people. Ogirri Ajene from Oju/Obi, the charismatic blue-blood of blessed memory, was deputy to George Akume, incumbent Secretary to the Government of the Federation, (SGF), from 1999 to 2007. Akume it was reported, genuinely desired to be succeeded by Ajene who exhibited competence and loyalty and could build on their legacies. The Tiv nation we understand, shot down the proposal. Gabriel Suswam succeeded Akume and had the urbane multipreneur, Stephen Lawani from Ogbadibo as deputy. Samuel Ortom, a Minister in the Goodluck Jonathan presidency who took over from Suswam opted for Benson Abounu, an engineer from Otukpo as running mate, while Hyacinth Alia, the Catholic priest who succeeded Ortom, also chose as deputy, Samuel Ode, who was also a Minister in the Jonathan government, from Otukpo. Arising from this precedence, Apa/Agatu has not for once, been considered for a place in Government House, Makurdi.
In similar fashion, the position of Senator representing Benue South, has repeatedly precluded Apa/Agatu federal constituency. David Alechenu Bonaventure Mark a former army General from Otukpo, took the first shot at the office in 1999. He was to remain in the position for five consecutive times, a distinctive record by Nigerian standards. Mark would subsequently become President of the Senate and the third most senior political office holder in the nation’s governance scheme for a string of two terms between 2007 and 2015. He was replaced by Patrick Abba Moro, who hails from Okpokwu and was a former teacher, in 2019. Abba Moro who previously served as Minister of Interior in the Jonathan government from 2011 to 2015, won a second term at the 2023 general elections and remains substantive Senator for “Benue Zone C.” He is indeed incumbent Minority Leader of the Senate, and thus a principal officer in the leadership scheme of the “red chambers.”
While Moro is barely two years into his second term, there are suggestions that he is interested in a third term which should run from 2027 to 2031! This is the core issue which has dominated contemporary political discourse in Benue South, especially from the Apa/Agatu bloc. For Apa/Agatu, it is bad enough that they are repeatedly bypassed in the nomination of deputy governors in the scheme of state politics. It is worse that they are equally subjugated by their own kinsmen within the context of politics in *Idoma and Igede land.* This is particularly worrying when both local government areas constituting the Apa/Agatu federal constituency, Apa and Agatu, are not in anyway deficient in human resources to represent Benue South. Names like John Elaigwu Odogbo, the incumbent *Och’Idoma* and respected clergy; Isa Innocent Ekoja, renowned Professor and Librarian; Sonny Togo Echono, FNIA, OON, Executive Secretary, Tertiary Education Trust Fund, (TETFUND), and John Mgbede, Emeritus State Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party, (PDP), Benue State, readily come to mind.
Major General R.I. Adoba, (rtd), a former Chief Training and Operations in the Nigerian Army; Professor Emmanuel Adanu, former Director of the Kaduna-based National Water Resources Institute, (NWRI) and the US-based specialist in internal medicine, Dr Raymond Audu, are eminent Apa/Agatu constituents. There are also Ada Egahi, long-serving technocrat who retired from the National Primary Healthcare Development Agency, (NPHDA), and Super Eagles forward, Moses Simon, (why not, hasn’t the retired soccer star, George Opong Weah just completed his term as President of Liberia)? The Member Representing Apa/Agatu in the House of Representatives, Godday Samuel Odagboyi, an office previously held by Solomon Agidani, as well as Adamu Ochepo Entonu, is, like his predecessors, a prominent figure from the resourceful Apa/Agatu federal constituency.
The Olofu brothers, Tony Adejoh, a retired Assistant Inspector General of Police, (AIG), and David, PhD, a renowned management and financial strategist, who is also an Emeritus Member of the Benue State Executive Council during the Ortom dispensation, are from the same federal constituency. So is Abu Umoru, a serial entrepreneur who represents Apa State Constituency in the Benue State House of Assembly. The continuing intra-zonal alienation of Apa-Agatu from the politics of Benue Zone C, remains a sore thumb which must be clinically diagnosed and intentionally treated in the run-up to 2027.
If previous top level political office holders from Idomaland in general and Apa/Agatu in particular, had diligently applied themselves to tangible, multisectoral development of the zone and constituency, the present clamour for inclusiveness would probably been less vociferous. *River Agatu* which flows from Kogi State, and runs through Agatu before emptying into *River Benue,* is a potential game changer in the socioeconomy of Apa/Agatu, Benue South and Benue State in general. Properly harnessed, it can revolutionise agriculture and aquaculture in the state, beyond subsistence levels which are the primary vocations of the indigenous people. Rice, yam, guinea corn, millet and similar grains, thrive in the fertile soils of the area. These can support “first level” processing of produce and guarantee value addition beneficial to the primary producers, before being shipped to other markets. River Agatu can indeed be dammed to provide hydro-electricity to power the entire gamut of Idomaland.
The infrastructure deficit in Benue South with specific reference to Apa/Agatu is equally very concerning. A notable pattern in Nigerian politics is its self-centeredness, the penchant for political players to prioritise their personal wellbeing and the development of their immediate space. This has accentuated the ever recurring desire of people to ascend the political pedestals of their predecessors if that is the principal window by which they can also privilege their own primary constituents. Motorable roads are non-existent, seamless travel between communities therefore encumbered. Expectedly this has been a major impediment to subsistent trade and social engagements between constituents and their kinsmen. Primary health facilities are almost non-existent, compelling people to flock to Otukpo, headquarters of Benue South, for the minutest of medical advice and treatment.
Apa/Agatu pitiably bleeds from the relentless and condemnable activities of vagrants and bandits who have reduced the constituency into a killing field. Reports suggest that in the past 15 years, no less than 2500 lives were lost to the vicious attacks of marauders and trespassers in the area under reference. This unnerving situation has compelled engagements between concerned Apa/Agatu leaders, and the leadership of the Nigeria Police Force, (NPF). The prayer is for the swift establishment of a mobile police outpost in the troubled sub-zone to contain bloodletting. The proposal, anchored by AIG Tony Olofu, NPOM, (rtd), and Echono, has received the blessings of the police high command. At the last update, a commander for the outfit had been named, while the deployment of personnel had begun in earnest.
It is very clear that in the march towards 2027, Apa/Agatu will refuse, very vehemently, to be sidelined and trampled upon in the political scheme of their senatorial zone. Abba Moro may desire a third term in the Senate, but the people of Apa/Agatu are quick to remind him that his curriculum vitae as a politician is sufficiently sumptuous for him to yield the seat in the “red chambers” and sit back like an elder statesman. They remind you that for a man who began his working life modestly as a lecturer in the Federal Polytechnic, Ugbokolo in 1991, Abba Moro has done extremely well for himself in Nigerian politics. For reminders, Abba Moro was elected Chairman of Okpokwu local government in the state as far back as 1998. Ever since, he has remained a permanent fixture in Nigeria’s national politics.
The people of Apa/Agatu will put up a determined fight for the Benue South senatorial seat in 2027, and no one should begrudge them. They are the proverbial ram which was pushed to the wall, which must of necessity push back with angered horns to liberate itself. They are already engaging with their kith across “Benue Zone C” to ensure that intra-zonal equity, fairness and justice, prevails in communal politics.

Tunde Olusunle, PhD, Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA), teaches Creative Writing at the University of Abuja

Opinion

The Prince Adebayo prescriptions for ease of doing Business: 15 Take-Aways

Published

5 days ago

January 14, 2025

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By Dr. Ag Zaki

On Thursday, 9 January 2025, Prince Adewole Adebayo presented a keynote address at the Radisson Blu Hotel, Ikeja, Lagos. The occasion was the annual conference of a group of professionals, business executives and experts codenamed J9C for January 9 Collective. The theme of the Conference was “Business and Policy Strategy: Examining the Role of Reform in enhancing the ease of doing business in Nigeria.” Prince Adebayo is a versatile cerebral man of many parts, a lawyer, a multimedia practitioner, a real estate investor, a large-scale miner, a philanthropist, a community developer, and the 2023 Presidential Candidate of the Social Democratic Party (SDP). The organisers of the J9C conference introduced him as an intercontinental lawyer because he currently practices law in over sixteen countries.

The full speech of Prince Adebayo at the occasion is available online and can be accessed by clicking at this url: https://youtu.be/SsHkcJbVNRg?si=ebvoOVqGh0zVOsnt or by scanning the QR code above. However, we are presenting the salient take-aways from this most incisive keynote address below for the convenience of interested persons and for the public good.

THE TAKE-AWAYS
Preamble
1. Not every change of policy or programme is a reform. A reform is a fundamental change in the activities, programmes, and policies structured to cause improvement. Genuine government reforms are people oriented and so citizens can interject, comment or contribute.
2. Reform may be internally motivated, externally forced or imposed, or technological driven.
3. The government of Nigeria must first reform itself to be able to implement development-oriented reforms to improve the country’s economic performance.

In general terms
4. Fiscal and monetary reforms are critical and are urgently required in Nigeria. While government can freely control its fiscal reforms, it must be bound by market forces for realistic and realisable monetary reforms.
5. Economic reforms must positively affect developmental policies, programmes and projects to engender economic growth, increase in efficiency, and lead to stability. Economic and political reforms must be implemented pari-passu for untainted policies and programmes.
6. Urgent structural reforms are required in areas of legal reforms, laws on banking controls and regulations, lending and borrowing as well as land matters.

In specific terms
7. Reforms which are aimed at targeting ease of doing business must be aligned with the Malam Aminu Kano maxim that “all civil servants should abstain from contracts or business”.
8. Nigeria must break the current odious and unwholesome conspiracies between policy makers, civil servants, and contractors, which can lead to irreversible endemic corruption, long foreseen by the revered Malam Aminu Kano, and which can permanently damage the economy.
9. Structural reforms must ensure that land laws open up maximum benefits and potentials of the land, encourage labour productivity and efficient and transparent entrepreneurship rules including registration, capital and lending matters.
10. Tax reforms should be broad-based, not about sharing of revenue but promoting productivity and competitiveness in all aspects of endeavours and infrastructure reforms should make transportation of people and goods safe and cost effective.
11. Monitoring economic crimes must be thorough and should go beyond arresting of “Yahoo boys” and those spraying Naira notes, but those devaluing the Naira and abusing economic rules and regulations.

Warnings
12. Adebayo left some stern terse warnings for the business sector and for the government of Nigeria.
13. Business executives and professionals should not ask or encourage government for specific reforms but for general broad-based reforms as firm-specific reforms can enhance operations of specific firms or business in the short term but will ultimately kill the industry.
14. Government should not meddle into business or be guided by partisan businessmen; government should meet business only at the junction of regulatory framework.
15. Government should be selfless and honest in carrying out reforms, incorporate measurable performance indices and ensure that reforms are implemented in a way not to inflict pains or punishment on the people.

# DrZaki25, 903 Tafawa Balewa Way, Abuja

Opinion

Governor Monday Okpebholo: A Blessing to Edo State

Published

6 days ago

January 13, 2025

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Monday Okpebholo

By Eigbefo Felix

His Excellency, Senator Monday Okpebholo, the Executive Governor of Edo State, has demonstrated that he is a blessing to the state through his policies, appointments, initiation of road construction across the three senatorial districts, and his deep love for the people of Edo State.

Governor Monday Okpebholo has begun fulfilling the five-point agenda he promised the good people of the state since his inauguration.

In the area of security, he has shown total commitment. He assured the people of Edo State that he would ensure their safety, and true to his word, the state remains peaceful, which has brought joy to its residents. He has provided the necessary support to security personnel.

The governor increased the subvention for Ambrose Alli University (AAU) from ₦40 million to ₦500 million. He also promised to address the issues facing AAU medical students. Additionally, he has started renovating primary and secondary schools across the state, underscoring his understanding of the importance of education.

The agricultural sector has taken a positive turn as Governor Okpebholo has allocated ₦70 billion to the sector. Recognizing agriculture’s importance to both the state and the nation, he is positioning Edo State to become the food basket of the nation with his investments in the sector.

During the electioneering period, Senator Okpebholo promised to create 5,000 jobs within his first 100 days in office. He has already begun the process, and soon, the people of Edo State will benefit from these employment opportunities. Unlike in the past, he will not rely on MOUs before making appointments. Furthermore, he has started appointing Edo State indigenes, rather than outsiders, to various positions.

Governor Okpebholo has commenced road projects across the state, from Edo South to Edo Central and Edo North. He believes that when roads are motorable, the prices of goods in the market will automatically reduce.

He has also begun investing in the health sector, understanding its critical importance to the people of Edo State.

Governor Monday Okpebholo’s initiatives and actions affirm his dedication to transforming Edo State for the better.