By Ehichioya Ezomon

Robert Frost (1874-1963), an American poet known for his realistic depictions of rural life settings, said that: “Home is the place where, when you have to go there, they have to take you in. But that’s not what a political party is. It does not exist to love you or to keep you or to serve as the one true faith. It’s not family or religion. Parties exist to win elections.”
Exactly what the parties in the September 21, 2024, governorship election in Edo State aim to achieve: Not to love even their members and supporters, but to win the election by whatever means possible, even if they’ve to break the laws, regulations and guidelines for the conduct of the franchise, and break some heads and limbs in the process.
The high stake of the election has caused a precarious security situation in the state. And with the flaming campaign by the leading parties – the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the main opposition All Progressives Congress (APC) – getting to crescendo, the Oba of Benin, Ewuare II, has decided to step in, traditionally, to avert any untoward happenings across the land.
To underscore the gravity of the moment – and the commitment to maintain peace and harmony during the poll – the Omo N’Oba has called for a traditional ritual, known as “Bisusu,” to safeguard the state from potential calamities. The Esere of Benin, Chief S. O. Obamwonyi, stated this on September 11, on behalf of the Oba.
The ritual – intended to “ward off evil from our land, especially before, during, and after the forthcoming gubernatorial election in our dear state” – would be conducted immediately by all traditional leaders, including Chiefs, Enigie (Benin Dukes), Igie-Ohen (traditional priests), and Edionwere (village heads), “using traditional items associated with the ceremony.”
Since the return of democracy in Nigeria in 1999, the Edo PDP and APC have rotated the governance of the “Heart Beat of The Nation” for technically 12 years apiece. That’s why the prize is higher in 2024 for both parties headed by incumbent Governor Godwin Obaseki and former Governor Adams Oshiomhole, respectively. 
Hence all eyes are on the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) – and the Police – to ensure a “free, fair and credible election,” as the commission’s chairman, Prof. Mahmood Yakubu, promised on August 10, during a mock accreditation and uploading of the results in Benin City.
Either in general or off-cycle elections, the INEC has unable to apply the rules to checkmate parties and candidates, who knowingly break the laws, regulations and guidelines that govern elections, with the INEC and Mr Yakubu coming under harsh criticisms, and allegations of connivance with politicians to throw poll results, especially in the February and March 2023 General Election.
The Edo governorship poll comes on the back of revelation by Athena Centre for Policy and Leadership of massive over-voting and inflation of votes allegedly committed in three off-cycle elections in Bayelsa, Imo, and Kogi states on November 11, 2023. The votes were reportedly inflated by hundreds of thousands above the accredited number of voters, with the INEC declaring the losing party as the winner in Kogi.
Head of Athena Centre and former Minister of Aviation, Chief Osita Chidoka, said the scanning and review of the data in the BVAS machines used for the poll – matched against the results declared by the INEC – showed hundreds of thousands of over-voting and inflated votes for the winning APC in Imo and Kogi, and also in Bayelsa, where the party lost to the winning PDP.
On September 10 – precisely 11 days to Election Day – Prof. Yakubu inspected the INEC local government offices, and monitored a mock accreditation and uploading of the results at two polling units in Oredo and Ikpoba-Okha local government areas of Edo State, to test-run the integrity of the systems, as a routine activity on the eve of a major off-season poll.
Promising a free, fair and credible election, Yakubu noted that the INEC isn’t a political party, adding, “The responsibility of choosing the next governor for Edo is entirely in the hands of Edo voters. Our appeal to all registered voters in Edo is to come out to vote for the party of their choice and the candidate of their choice. The commission will ensure the protection of the integrity of the process and uphold the choice made by the electorate.” The News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) first reported the exercise.
In another ritual that’s literally on the electoral calendar since 2014, the National Peace Committee (NPC), on September 12, witnessed a Peace Accord signed by 17 of 18 parties fielding candidates for Saturday’s election. 
The PDP didn’t sign the peace deal, with the Edo chapter chairman, Dr Anthony Aziegbemi, accompanied by the party’s candidate, Dr Asue Ighodalo, telling newsmen prior that they won’t sign the accord “because 10 members of our party are currently detained by the Police in Abuja.”
“We are here to register our protest before the peace committee, and to say that the PDP will not sign a peace accord when 10 of our members have been arrested and detained by the Police in Abuja. We will not allow a biased IGP (Inspector-General of Police), who is not from Edo State, to determine the outcome of this election. We demand the immediate recall of any external policemen currently marauding the state,” Aziegbemi said, as reported by Vanguard on September 12.
Recall that Governor Obaseki – speaking for the PDP on September 11 – told visiting members of the NPC that the party might not sign the peace accord due to alleged detention of 10 PDP members in Abuja by the Police, which, as the agency responsible for enforcing the accord, “have shown, through their actions, that they are acting in the interest of the APC, and waging war against the PDP.”
“Tell me sir (referring to retired Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar, chairman of the Peace Committee), how can we sign a peace accord in this situation? Clearly, what they are saying is that it’s going to be a violent election and that they are going to use the forces of coercion and intimidation to win elections in Edo, whether we like it or not. That is the message,” Obaseki said. 
“Now that the IGP (Kayode Egbetokun) is in town, we say until everybody arrested is brought back to Edo and be tried here in Edo for whatever offences they have committed, we have no confidence that the police will protect us in Edo State during the governorship election,” Obaseki added.
But IGP Egbetokun, denying knowledge of PDP members being arrested and detained, debunked the allegation of bias against the Police under his leadership. At the INEC stakeholders’ meeting in Benin City on September 11, he said, “I am aware that individuals, who committed crimes and political violence in the state, have been arrested.”
In response to Dr Aziegbemi’s comments that “after the unfortunate incident at the airport (the July 18, 2024, attempted assassination of the APC candidate, Senator Monday Okpebholo, and killing of Okpebholo’s police detail, Inspector Akor Onu, in the process), all hell was let loose,” and that the “police have been so biased under this IG,” Egbetokun said: “You accuse the IG of being partisan because I am bent on unraveling the killing of a police officer. If you hold the opinion that the IG is partisan for going after the killer(s) of the policeman, I think you will remain with that opinion forever.”
The APC had announced a pull-out from the accord a few hours to the ceremony – on the grounds of alleged Police delay or refusal to arrest and prosecute those involved in the killing of Okpebholo’s police orderly during the attempted assassination of the Senator – but rescinded the withdrawal notice, and appended the accord.
Acting Edo chapter chairman of the APC, Emperor Jarrett and the party’s candidate, Mr Okpebholo, said they retracted their decision and signed the document because of “our respect for the rule of law, (and) the credibility of the National Peace Committee, headed by General Abdulsalami Abubakar, (Retd), and Bishop Hassan Kukah.”
Tenebe added: “One of our demands was that those who attacked our candidate’s convoy and killed his police detail should be declared wanted and arrested. The Police have promised that they will be apprehended. And it will also not be proper for us not to come because the chairman of the committee, Gen. Abubakar Abdulsalami, is an elder statesman.”
Accusing Obaseki of harbouring the alleged suspects in the government house, Tenebe said, “this failure of the police has emboldened the governor and PDP to attack members of the APC “at rally grounds and in their private business premises ceaselessly,” adding that Obaseki, having allegedly made inflammatory statements – including that, “Nigeria will burn if INEC fails to declare the PDP candidate, Asue Ighodalo, as the winner of the September 21, 2024 gubernatorial election” – has “underminined his position as the Chief Security Officer of the State.”
At the peace meeting, the Convener of the NPC and Bishop of the Sokoto Catholic Archdiocese, Dr Matthew Kukah, noting the committee’s supports forthe INEC to ensure a peaceful election, charged the candidates to see peace as a foundation for a credible election, and urged Nigerians to be thankful for our country, as some other African countries are in crisis because of unresolved political issues.
“Let us thank God that we have the opportunity in Nigeria to stretch our hands in search of justice,” Kukah said. “I am happy that Nigerians have confidence in the electoral process. The worst election is remedied by another election,” urging Edo people to go out and cast their votes, as they count themselves lucky “having produced top politicians in Nigeria.”
In his welcome remarks, the NPC Chairman, Gen. Abubakar, said the ceremony was a commitment to upholding the peace, unity, and democratic values of the nation, stating that since formation in 2014, the committee had worked to foster an environment for Nigerians to exercise their right to vote without fear of violence or intimidation.
Appealing to the candidates, parties and their supporters to remember that peace is the foundation upon which progress and development is built and established, Abubakar said “without it, none of the promises made to the people of Edo state can be fulfilled,” adding, “I encourage everyone to uphold this commitment beyond the elections and accept the outcome of the election.”
The INEC chairman, Prof. Yakubu, who gave the assurance that the commission would continue to play its part in line with the electoral laws, thanked the Peace Committee “for bringing the political parties and their candidates together to agree to a peaceful election.”
The IGP, Egbetokun, stating that the police would collaborate with other security agencies to support the INEC in conducting the election, promised that, “We will remain impartial, professional and vigilant while providing a level-playing ground for political parties and their candidates.”
Governor Obaseki, represented by the Secretary to the State Government (SSG), Mr Joseph Eboigbe, expressing concerns over the police continued detention of 10 PDP members in Abuja, pledged the safety of all stakeholders during and after the September 21 election.
The peace accord is particularly germane, as the campaign for the governorship has assumed a do-or-die affair, witnessing unbridled incendiary and inciting rhetoric; personal insults and mockery; and thuggery, resulting in destruction of campaign offices and materials, and attacks on opposing party members, including Okpebholo. 
In preparation for the election, in which 35,000 police officers, and additional 8,000 personnel from sister security agencies are deployed, IGP Egbetokun has suspended the activities of quasi-security organisations, including the ESSN and others set up by the state government, to check insecurity. 
At the INEC stakeholders’ meeting in Benin City, Egbetokun said those security outfits “remain suspended,” as “they have no role to play on the day of election.” He also announced the withdrawal of security aides attached to VIPs, to ensure neutrality and security.
It’s doubtful if the spate of attacks will abate without stern, and quick actions by the Police against the marauding political thugs, who may be rehearsing for the final showdown to storm rival campaign rallies, and/or ambush the rallygoers, and leave a trail of bloodshed and destruction. 
The armed men – who waylaid the joint convoy of Okpebholo and the court-reinstated impeached Edo State Deputy Governor Philip Shaibu, as they left the Benin airport on arrival from Abuja – are perhaps still on the loose, even as the shooting incident reportedly occurred in the “presence” of then-Edo State Commissioner of Police, Funsho Adegboye.
Mr Adegboye’s at the airport in a yet-to-be-clear circumstance: While the APC claims the CP was there to effect the order of an Abuja Federal High Court, to provide security details to Comrade Shaibu, who’s reinstated by the court; the PDP argues that Adegboye’s at the airport to serve Shaibu copies of a stay of execution, and appeal against his return to his post.
Baffling, though, is that Adegboye – a possible eyewitness to the armed attack on Okpebholo and Shaibu’s convoy, and the killing and injuries therefrom – was unable to show diligent investigation, arrest and prosecution of the sponsors and attackers of the deadly assault on political opponents.
Unless there’re deliberate efforts to cover up, and shield the perpetrators, the new Police Commissioner for Edo State, CP Nemi Edwin-Iwo – who, until he resumed in Benin City on August 13, 2024, was the Commissioner of Police in charge of Intelligence at the Force Intelligence Department, Force Headquarters, Abuja – may deploy his expertise to unravel the brains behind the attempted murder of Okpebholo (and even Shaibu), and the upsurge of violence in the state.
The PDP and APC have traded counter-allegations about who’s responsible for the series of intimidation and attacks on their members, supporters and party structures. While the PDP accuses the APC of boasting of, and deploying “federal might” via the Police, to hunt down its members; the APC alleges that Governor Obaseki and the PDP have enlisted political thugs and the state-owned Edo State Security Network (ESSN), to attack its members and disrupt its campaigns. 
While the PDP and APC have also levelled accusations of scheming to rig each other out of victory – by sowing police and military uniforms, to camouflage, and aid rigging on the day of election – the PDP has alleged that the Edo State Resident Electoral Commissioner (REC), Mr Anugbum Onuoha, and CP Edwin-Iwo, are close associates of former Rivers State Governor and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja, Chief Nyesom Wike, with Aziegbemi noting that the PDP sees the officials’ close links with Wike “as a recipe for disaster,” as “they are wont to do his bidding before, during and after the election.”
The September 21 Edo governorship election deserves a free, fair, transparent, credible, and an acceptable outcome. The responsibility for achieving such an outcome rests with the INEC, which should dutifully discharge the onerous task to acquit itself and shake off the stigma of an ineffectual, inefficient, and a collaborative and conniving electoral umpire! The INEC should deliver substantially in favour of the majority, rather than tip the scale for the minority.
It’s hoped that all stakeholders play by and adhere to the laws, regulations and guidelines for the poll conduct, in order to arrive at a conclusive end – even through the arbiter of the election petitions tribunals – without breaking more heads and limbs.

Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria

Nigeria’s struggle with oil theft and pipeline vandalism is akin to battling a hydra—a beast whose heads multiply every time one is severed. These challenges have, for decades, sunk their fangs into the country’s economic lifeblood, draining vitality and potential. Yet, Nigeria’s plight is not an isolated one. Like a plague, the twin evils of oil theft and pipeline sabotage have infected several other nations, each grappling with its own vicious cycle of loss and recovery.
In recent years, the audacity and scale of oil theft in Nigeria have grown to monstrous proportions. What once seemed like a manageable nuisance has mutated into a crisis, revealing the state’s weakening ability to protect its most valuable resource. The unchecked plundering of Nigeria’s oil wealth is not just a gash in the country’s economy—it is a haemorrhage that threatens to bleed the nation dry. As this shadow war rages on, Nigeria’s efforts mirror the struggles of other oil-rich nations ensnared by similar challenges.

A Global Tangle: Oil Theft Across the World

Nigeria’s struggles might feel uniquely overwhelming, but the curse of oil theft has spread its tendrils far beyond its borders. Mexico battles its own demons with huachicoleo, the illegal tapping of pipelines driven by organised crime. Like thieves in the night, these criminal cartels slither through the shadows, leaving a trail of loss and environmental destruction in their wake. Mexico has attempted to cut off this serpent’s head with military crackdowns, shutting down pipelines and transporting fuel by tankers, but corruption remains the venom that weakens the system, rendering success elusive.
Meanwhile, in Venezuela, where oil is both a curse and a salvation, theft is rampant amid the ruins of an economic collapse. Like vultures circling a dying beast, smugglers and criminals pick apart what remains of the nation’s oil infrastructure. The government’s grip is weak, hobbled by political unrest and financial instability, and so the bleeding continues. Similarly, Iraq, whose oil fields stretch across conflict zones like patches of fertile land in a desert of strife, has endured years of sabotage. Militant groups prey on its vulnerabilities, siphoning off oil and wrecking infrastructure as they wage their own wars.
In Libya, the fight for oil is a tug of war, with armed groups seizing control of facilities as they scramble for dominance. Like waves crashing against a rocky shore, the Libyan government’s attempts to regain control are persistent yet often ineffective, splintered by internal divisions. Further afield in Colombia, guerrilla groups like the National Liberation Army (ELN) treat oil pipelines as battlegrounds, attacking infrastructure to fund their insurgency. The Colombian government responds with force, but the battle, like many others, rages on.
Even Russia and Indonesia, with their sprawling landscapes and vast oil reserves, find themselves ensnared by this global malaise. Criminal gangs in Russia’s remote Siberian wilderness tap pipelines with impunity, while in Indonesia, the lush forests conceal a web of illegal siphoning operations. Both nations, like others, have tried to tighten the noose with surveillance and security patrols, but corruption and the vastness of their territories make control difficult.

Nigeria’s Battle: From Crisis to Recovery

Back in Nigeria, the war on oil theft has followed a winding, tortuous path, with victories fleeting and losses monumental. During the Buhari administration, the government initially refused to continue the contract with Tompolo’s Tantita Security outfit, a move that proved disastrous. This decision was akin to abandoning a fort in the midst of an invasion. Oil theft surged, and production plummeted to a dismal 790,000 barrels per day (bpd). The nation, once a giant in the oil market, found itself limping, crippled by its own vulnerability.
But the story didn’t end there. Realising the gravity of the situation, the Buhari administration had a change of heart and re-awarded the contract to Tantita. Like a knight returning to a besieged castle, Tompolo’s team rode back into the fray, spearheading a recovery. Oil production climbed to 1.3 million bpd, marking the beginning of Nigeria’s ascent from the abyss.
This resurgence under the Mele Kyari leadership of Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation Limited (NNPC Ltd) was further bolstered in year 2022 by a new weapon in Nigeria’s arsenal: technology. The deployment of a sophisticated Digital Intelligence Platform became the country’s eye in the sky, monitoring the labyrinthine Niger Delta region and its web of creeks where much of the illicit activity took place. The platform acted like a spider at the centre of a vast network, sensing disturbances and relaying real-time intelligence to various security agencies. Information flowed seamlessly to the Department of State Services (DSS), National Intelligence Agency (NIA), Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit (NFIU), Nigerian Police Force, Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), and private security contractors like Tantita and Pipeline Infrastructure Nigeria (PIN).
With all eyes on the creeks, Nigeria’s defences grew stronger, and NNPC Ltd began to regain control of its assets. Production steadily climbed, and as of now, oil output has reached nearly 1.8 million bpd—an improvement that signals hope, though the battle is far from won.
Despite these gains, there remains an unsettling truth: much of the oil being stolen in Nigeria is still not properly documented. Like a hidden illness festering beneath the surface, the full extent of the theft is unknown. The losses are likely far greater than official figures suggest, leaving a gaping wound in the nation’s economy.

Lessons from Global Struggles

Globally, the fight against oil theft and pipeline vandalism is a protracted one. Countries facing similar challenges have tried a range of strategies, from military crackdowns and increased security patrols to advanced surveillance technology and international cooperation. However, Nigeria’s situation remains unique due to the complexity of the Niger Delta region—a tangle of waterways and jungle that provides perfect cover for illicit operations—and the sheer scale of the problem.
For instance, Mexico’s reliance on military interventions has seen limited success, hampered by corruption within the security forces themselves. In Venezuela, the government’s weakened state has left it unable to effectively combat oil theft, while Iraq and Libya struggle to protect their oil resources amid ongoing conflicts. Nigeria, by contrast, has shown that a combination of technology and local knowledge—through partnerships with former militants like Tompolo—can yield results, though sustaining these gains requires constant innovation and stronger governance.

The Road Ahead: Nigeria’s Quest for Stability

Nigeria’s oil production, like a phoenix rising from the ashes, has clawed its way back from the depths. But the journey is far from over. The federal government’s continued reliance on Tompolo’s militants and advanced surveillance technology has yielded success, yet these measures are not without controversy. The question remains: how can Nigeria ensure that this fragile recovery doesn’t unravel?
Crude oil remains the heart that pumps life into Nigeria’s economy, providing up to 80 percent of foreign exchange earnings and nearly 70 percent of the annual budget. But like any heart under constant strain, it needs care and protection. The federal government, in collaboration with state governments, must continue to tackle the issue of oil theft with a renewed sense of urgency, drawing lessons from global counterparts while refining its own approach. Failure is not an option—the stakes are simply too high.

An Economy Haemorrhaging: The Costs of Inaction

The scale of Nigeria’s losses to oil theft is staggering, yet it may be only the tip of the iceberg. National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu recently disclosed that the country loses approximately 400,000 bpd to oil theft. Former Minister of State for Petroleum Resources Timipre Sylva estimated that Nigeria lost at least 700,000 bpd to thieves in 2022 alone—a situation unparalleled by other oil-producing nations like Venezuela, Iraq, Mexico, and Malaysia. And yet, many of these stolen barrels remain undocumented, slipping through the cracks like grains of sand in an hourglass. The full scale of the problem is likely far greater than official records indicate, leaving a yawning chasm in the nation’s finances.
In October last year, the Nigerian Senate reported that the country lost N2.3 trillion to crude oil theft. But this figure, alarming as it is, is likely a conservative estimate. The shadow economy of oil theft operates in the dark, beyond the reach of formal accounting, and its impact is felt far and wide.
As Nigeria continues to bleed, the call for a decisive and comprehensive solution grows louder. If the country can regain full control of its oil resources, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Limited (NNPC Ltd) could potentially produce no less than 3 million (three million) barrels per day, breathing new life into the economy. Such an achievement would be nothing short of transformative, a beacon of hope in a landscape scarred by years of theft and loss. With the right mix of vigilance, innovation, and resolve, Nigeria can emerge victorious, restoring stability and prosperity to its citizens.

Lemmy Ughegbe, Ph.D. writes from Abuja
lemmyughegbeofficial@gmail.com
+2348069716645

By Ehichioya Ezomon

Rice – the most popular Nigerian staple food – has suddenly become an issue, and may contribute to futher scrambling of the campaign of the Edo State chapter of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) that’s already reeling from months of defection of high-profile members to the main opposition All Progressives Congress (APC), ahead of the September 21, 2024, governorship election. 
This follows the reported discovery of thousands of bags of rice hoarded and warehoused in residences or property of alleged chieftains of the PDP in Benin City, the state capital city. As claimed by the “discoverers,” the rice was part of the 20 truckloads,  which the Federal Government donated to each of the 36 States of Nigeria and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja, for free distribution to the most vulnerable members of the society, to alleviate the hardship they’ve faced due to high cost of living and food inflation.
  Because the PDP-led administration of Governor Godwin Obaseki allegedly didn’t distribute the rice to the people – even as the government initially denied receipt of the 20 trucks – the commodity has become an instant campaign matter against the election of the PDP governorship candidate, Dr Asue Ighodalo, who Obaseki “anointed” to succeed him in November 2024. 
To get a proper handle on this story, let’s compare how Borno State Governor Babagana Umara Zulum and his Edo State counterpart, Godwin Obaseki, handled the 20 trucks of rice, respectively. On Saturday, July 27, 2024, Prof. Zulum didn’t only demonstrate his leadership by example, but also the need for cooperation and synergy between the federal and state governments, to meeting the basic needs of the masses, especially in these economically-difficult times in Nigeria.
The governor – scheduled the next day to oversee the distribution of food palliatives and farm inputs donated by the Federal Government to the state – travelled to Monguno, one of the local government areas in North-East of Nigeria, which’s suffered years of bloody and destructive attacks by Boko Haram and other insurgent groups. 
As is the modus operandi of the popular governor – who mingles freely with Borno inhabitants, to feel their pulse and their pains – he moved a day ahead of commencement of distribution of the food and farming palliatives on July 28, to enable him profile the beneficiaries in super camps in Monguno town.
Addressing the palliative recipients on D-Day, Zulum said: “We are in Monguno town mainly for two functions, first to distribute food items provided to the government of Borno State by the federal government. I want to acknowledge the receipt of 20 trucks of rice, and this morning, we distributed all of them to this community.
“I want also to inform you that the federal government has provided 90 trucks of fertiliser to the state government for free, to distribute to our farmers. On behalf of the people and government of Borno State, I want to appreciate the support of the federal government and the Federal Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security to the deserving communities. This is not the first time Borno has received palliatives from the federal government. It is a continuous affair.
“In addition to this, we have distributed seeds, as most of them (farmers) do not have the capacity to buy farm inputs, and we have distributed cowpeas to all the able heads of households (each of the 35,000 beneficiaries received one bag of 25kg of rice and cowpeas to enable them cultivate their farmlands).”
The Zulum administration complemented the federal government’s gesture with its own palliatives. “We have also distributed N10,000 in cash support and a wrapper to each of the over 45,000 widows and vulnerable women in Monguno town,” Zulum said, noting that the distribution of palliatives by his government wasn’t meant to create dependency but to “support vulnerable families that have lost their sources of livelihood to the Boko Haram crisis facing Borno State.”
Now, we take a diagonal trip of over 1,000km down south to Edo State in the South-South of Nigeria, to see how the Obaseki administration handled the hardship problem regarding the federal government rice donation.
In stark contrast to the Borno scenario, trending in the Edo polity – and on mainstream and social media – is a series of posers: “Obaseki & Asue, where are our 20 trucks of rice given by the Federal Government?” “Where are 30,000 bags of rice donated by Dangote?” (Reference to Aliko Dangote, Chairman of the Dangote Group and the Richest Man in Africa)
These posers were triggered by the viral videos of angry and hungry Edolites, who looted thousands of bags of rice reportedly donated by the Federal Government to Edo people, but were allegedly hoarded and warehoused in residences or property of chieftains of the PDP in Benin City, and across the state.
That’s why concerned Edolites tagged Obaseki and Ighodalo to the rice “scandal” inundating the Obaseki government since the Bola Tinubu administration revealed its donation of 20 trucks of rice, and other food and farming products to each of the 36 States and the FCT, to ameliorate the hardship and food crisis across Nigeria.
While several states, including Borno, had admitted receiving the federal government food and farming consignments, many, like Edo, denied any knowledge, and/or receipt of the largesse, resulting in a war of words between the Edo chapter of the APC and the PDP-controlled state government. 
The controversy started when Obaseki claimed that his administration, for several months, had spent N1bn monthly to supply food palliatives to Edo people, who, disclaimed off-handedly the governor’s unsubstantiated assertion. Notably, the said N1bn monthly palliatives came on the heels of the initial federal government reported allocation of five trucks of rice, and N5bn to enable each of the 36 States and the FCT to purchase more grains and other food items for distribution to their people.
Some state governments – which’d denied receipt of the rice and N5bn – recanted, claiming that the N5bn wasn’t a grant but a loan from the federal government. Then came the instant 20 trucks of rice to the states and the FCT, with many states keeping mum, and Edo and Oyo publicity dismissing the federal government statement – even buttressed in the August 1, 2024, national broadcast by President Tinubu, while appealing to Nigerian youths to shelve the #EndBadGovernanceInNigeria protest that’s billed to commence the same day and end on August 10. 
But on the first day of the 10-day #EndHunger protest, demonstrators in Edo discovered – and looted – thousands of bags of rice stored in several residences of alleged members of the PDP at Urora community, Ikpoba Hill area of Benin City. The state government, through its Commissioner for Communication, Chris Nehikhare, quickly dismissed the claim by the “rice looters” and the APC state chapter – that it’s the the federal government rice donated to Edo State.
As reported by the online news portal, GWG.COM,  the Edo State chairman of the APC, Jarrett Tenebe, accused the Governor Obaseki government of “stockpiling the rice sent by the federal government as palliative for political use ahead of and during the forthcoming governorship election.”
(Recall that the APC and informed inhabitants of Edo State made a similar allegation against Obaseki during the September 2020 governorship poll: That he hoarded – for his re-election bid – the COVID-19 palliatives donated by then-President Muhammadu Buhari administration to Edo State, for distribution to the most impacted by the effects of the pandemic.) 
At a press conference on Thursday, August 1, “to celebrate what he described as a shame of the Obaseki administration in hiding palliative rice from the people,” Mr Tenebe said: “He (Obaseki) has announced also that each month that his PDP government spends N1 billion for purchase of rice.”
“If Edo (people) were ever in doubt, the video that emerged on social media today (August 1) of an abandoned trailer load of repackaged Federal Government rice with Edo State Government inscription, discovered by Urora residents, has exposed Obaseki’s deliberate plan to deprive Edo people the different palliative measures of the Federal Government.”
But in a statement, Mr Nehikhare attempted to spin the rice “discovery” as an APC stunt to smear the image of the Governor Obaseki, his government and the PDP, claiming that, “the government does not have any store in the Urora community and that it only distributes palliatives through religious bodies.”
“The State Government does not keep any relief material by itself but reaches out to the people through these channels,” Nehikhare said. “We will not put this tactic past the All Progressives Congress, APC, which is spreading malicious content to score cheap political points. This condemnable action is intended to cause chaos in the state and the APC is discouraged from such ignoble practice.”
Yet, confronted in a Channels TV programme, following #EndBadGovernanceInNigeria protest, Nehikhare confirmed that the Edo government actually received “trucks of rice” from the federal government, without stating how many trucks, and how the rice was distributed to vulnerable members of the Edo public. 
While the rice saga has reinforced opposition’s scrutiny of and referendum on the eight-year tenure of Governor Obaseki, the owners and residents of the premises allegedly used to warehouse the commodity – for rebagging into smaller kilograms, and inscribed with the “Edo State Government,” for onward distribution and/or sale to party members – are counting their losses to the angry mob, who looted the rice and vandalised the property, accordingly.
“The discovery of the unattended-to truck (of rice at Urora community in Benin City on August 1) led to a frenzy, as the truck was completely looted. A house in the community, where it (rice) was also being housed, was looted, and adjoining houses to the flat accommodating the rice suffered collateral damage, as they were raided and looted by the rice raiders,” the GWG.COM reported on August 4.
“Like others in the buildings which were destroyed by the ‘rice looters,’ a resident, Charles Omoaka, has become a collateral victim of the people’s wrath on the political class. In an interview, he lamented that he, like many others, ‘does not know where to put his head after the angry protesters went beyond rice to also ransack their homes and took away even the roof over their houses.”
In saner climes, those, who by their actions instigated the rice heist – which prompted the looting spree, and destruction of property, rendering the residents “homeless” – would be held to account through legal means or via the ballot, which, in the case of the “rice scandal” in Edo State, is barely one month away on September 21, 2024. 
Will Edo voters look beyond partisan and sectional streak, and do right by all Edolites allegedly shortchanged in the distribution of the palliatives donated by the federal government? The answer to this crucial and critical question resides on Election Day!

Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria