Opinion
Edo 2024: Okpebholo ‘can’t talk,’ yet replies critics in fiery speech at rally in Benin City
By Ehichioya Ezomon
In the lead-up to the primaries for the 2024 governorship election in Edo State, the triple issues of not being a “homeboy,” unable to communicate in Esan language, and speak publicly to articulate plans for governance, assailed the formidable aspirants of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and All Progressives Congress (APC), Dr Asue Ighodalo and Senator Monday Okpebholo, respectively.
For Mr Ighodalo, a lawyer and business mogul, his “sins” are that having been born, raised, schooled, worked and lived outside Edo State, he isn’t a “homeboy” and can’t communicate in Esan language. As for Mr Okpebholo, a businessman and philanthropist, born, bred, schooled, and lived among the grassroots, his alleged inability to speak and articulate properly his plans for the governorship, “disqualifies” him.
But the question is: When have speaking in the mother tongue, being a homeboy, and a public speaker, among other factors, become criteria for qualification for the Office of Governor or any other elective position under the amended 1999 Constitution of Nigeria?
For the record, for the position of a Member of the Senate; a Member of the House of Representatives; a Member of the State House of Assembly; the President and Vice President; and the Governor and Deputy Governor, the qualification requirements are spelt out in Sections 65, 106, 131 and 177, accordingly, thus:
(a) he is a citizen of Nigeria by birth; (b) he has attained the age of 35, 30, 30, 40 and 35 (applicable to each office in that order); (c) he is a member of a political party and is sponsored by that political party; and (d) he has been educated to at least School Certificate level or its equivalent.
And under Interpretation in Section 318 of the Constitution, “School Certificate or its equivalent” means in (c)(iii) “the ability to read, write, understand, and communicate in the English language to the satisfaction of the Independent National Electoral Commission.”
Clearly, only INEC has the power to determine whether a candidate has the “ability to read, write, understand, and communicate in the English language” – and not in their local language – which medium Ighodalo deployed to address his kinsmen.
Yet, it’s on the premise that “he cannot speak Esan (language),” because he is a “Lagos boy,” and not a “homeboy,” and reportedly “hired an interpreter” when he intimated his community about his governorship ambition, that opponents, especially supporters of the opposition APC, have attempted to undermine Ighodalo’s genuine aspiration to be governor of Edo State.
When, on Sunday, December 3, 2023, Ighodalo met with members of his ward in Ewohimi, Esan South East local government area of Edo State, to solicit their support, he spoke in pidgin English, and told the anxious and excited crowd: “I want us to stand as one. If we stand as one, the whole of Esan will take us seriously and we will be the pride of Edo State.
“I want everybody to go and register so that we can all vote as one body for the goodness and greatness of our land. You must have water, road, jobs and light. By the grace of Almighty, if we get this governorship, we will get everything, and Edo State will be the greatest state in Africa.”
At important gatherings in Esanland, the people need a streetwise interpreter, to further break down the message, even delivered in the local dialet. So, it wasn’t out of place for Mr Ighodalo’s political message to be simplified for “proper” understanding of the audience.
This was what critics deviously termed “hiring of an interpreter” – which went viral in the media – to score some undeserved political points. But unfortunately for them, it didn’t scratch the surface, talkless of achieving the intended mileage.
While some social media posts have lapped on the “engagement of an interpreter” to talk to one’s kinsmen as “a sign of age-long disconnect from the people,” others defended Mr Ighodalo, urging “focus on the progress he could bring to Edo State, as local language would not bring investments.”
And luckily for Ighodalo, his communitypeople of Ewohimi didn’t – on account of his alleged inability to speak Esan – reject him, his vision and mission, and Blue Print for the Governorship of Edo State in 2024. Rather, reports spoke of enthusiastic reception for him amid pump and ceremony.
So, whether or not Ighodalo speaks Esan fluently, he’s adjusted to delivering his message of “making Edo the Number one State in Nigeria” in simple English language, mixed with pidgin English – the “unofficial lingua franca” of Esan people, Edo people, and the Nigerian people – that’s turned for him a blessing in disguise.
Since entering the governorship race in 2023, Ighodalo’s been everywhere in the nooks and cranies of the 192 wards of the 18 local government areas of Edo State, selling himself, his vision and mission to be governor in November 2024.
Coming to Mr Okpebholo, critics have termed his alleged non-public speaking and eloquence – to communicate his governance plans to the people of Edo State – as signifying a lack of capability, capacity, carriage, congnition exposure, maturity, and popularity. A combination of these factors has caused Okpebholo (APC, Edo Central) and the APC defections of high-profile members to the ruling PDP in Edo State.
In the interim, Okpebholo continues to be dogged by his alleged inability to speak publicly to the Edo voters, with mostly PDP supporters piling pressure on him to appear on an undisguisedly unfriendly ARISETV – regarded as the broadcast arm of the opposition in Nigeria – as a condition precedent to his qualification for governor.
As Okpebholo’s shunned the obviously biased bait to lure him to the slaughter, he’s striven lately to prove his political opponents wrong, by speaking forcefully at rallies across Edo State, barely three weeks to September 21. At a campaign stop at Aduwawa area of Benin City, Okpebholo – accompanied by Comrade Oshiomohle, who normally introduces Okpebholo at rallies – fiercely addressed the rallygoers camped out on and around a waterlogged road in the area.
Following Oshiomhole’s lengthy stomp speech, in which he reminded of the alleged failings of the Obaseki government – around which he’s framed the September election as a referendum – he introduced Okpebholo, saying, “Now, we are bringing somebody who is going to be a practical man. So, this man (patting Okpebholo on the right shoulder) is a simple man” (with applause of ‘yesooo’ from the crowd). His name is Senator Monday Okpebholo, AKPAKOMIZA.”
Taking the microphone, Okpebholo ticked – in some shorthand fashion – his programmes of action, one after the other. “I want to thank you for the interest you have for Edo (State),” he told the cheering and pulsating crowd. “I’m coming to work for you. Why I’m contesting is to make sure that all the injustice done in our land is reversed.”
Pointing to the flooded road and its surroundings, on which the rally held, Okpebholo promised that, “all this road, all these gutters, we will desilt everything. Your schools, we will fix them back. Insecurity will be a thing of the past in our land. Hospitals, we are going to revive our hospitals back, and we will build new hospitals. Agriculture, we are going to provide farmers with fertilisers. Market women, we are going to give you soft loans without interests.”
“We will make sure that our land grows again. We will not steal your money, as they are doing now. They have taken a lot of money out of this land. (The) Obaseki government alone borrowed over N500bn. What did he do with the money? Nothing, nothing to show for it! So, we are coming to serve the people; we are coming to interact with the people; we are coming to solve the people’s problems.”
Okpebholo then addressed head-on the allegation that he can’t speak publicly, stating: “The government of Obaseki, they are liars. They even told you people on social media that I don’t know how to talk. You understand? A Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria; a man who could negotiate between (from) Okpella (Edo North) to Benin (Edo South), for the Federal Government to come and do our road (Abuja-Benin Expressway), and the Federal Government put down N130bn, dual-carriage (way), with street lights in the middle, it has never been done.
“A man, who could do that, they are telling you he does not know how to talk. Am I not talking to you? (The crowd responded with ‘Yesooo’). Sisters, am I not talking to you? (‘Yessss, the female rallygoers responded). Brothers, am I not talking to you? (‘Yeah,’ the malefolks roared). They (PDP) are cheaters, they are liars, they are deceivers.”
Momentarily, Okpebholo turned some of the alleged ills of the Obaseki administration into a song, with the enthusiastic crowd refraining after him. He said, “Bye, bye to jedi jedi” (dysentry in Yoruba language), and the crowd responded accordingly. “Bye, bye to M-o-U” (memorandum of understanding, which critics deploy to depict Obaseki’s alleged non-performance). “Bye, bye to De-cei-vers.”
Back to the issues, in the form of prayers, and with crowd shouting “Amen,” “Iseooo,” Okpebholo declared: “Edo will progress this time around. We will revive our industries; we will revive everything in this town that is not working, to be working. We will bring water back; we will bring our light back. Good things will begin to happen again. Government is for all of us; government is for the people.”
Rounding off, Okpebholo appealed to the people to vote for him and the APC, to enable them take over at the Osadebey Avenue Government House seat of power in Benin City in November 2024. “I want to beg all of you that September the 21st is for Osadebey Government House,” Okpebholo said, and asked, “Who is the owner of the House?” The crowd said, “A-P-C.” “Who is the owner of the House?” he repeated. The crowd yelled, “AKPAKOMIZA,” which’s the candidate’s popular alias. “Una go allow PDP to remain there?” he queried. “Noooo,” the crowd said. “So, vote for APC on September the 21st,” Okpebholo added.
Earlier, Oshiomhole, as is his routine on the campaign trail – just as he did for then-Godwin Obaseki during the September 2016 governorship poll – introduced Okpebholo to the crowd. First, Oshiomhole recalled his own achievements as Governor (2008-2016), especially the construction of the waterlogged road, on which the campaign convoy stopped to address the people – symbolising the reported failure of the Obaseki government.
According to Oshiomhole, “If you see him (Obaseki) on TV now, he will tell you, ‘we have done this, we have done that.’ But on ground, you will not see anything. He has been collecting money from the Federal Government; he has been collecting money from the World Bank. He has been borrowing, but you can see the condition of your road! Is the governor on holiday?” Oshiomhole asked. “Noooo,” the crowd replied. “Is the government on holiday?”
“What about the money he (Obaseki) is collecting? When I was here (as governor), our monthly allocations did not pass N3bn, but today, Obaseki is collecting not less than N12bn every month. What is he doing with it?
“If you don’t have a good heart… governance no bi grammar; it is about your heart. Do you care? Do you have sympathy for the (poor) people? Even sympathy for the rich because, if you go to the GRA (Government Reservation Area), it is even worse than this one (the waterlogged road). The road to Government House is as bad. Obaseki has destroyed the state.”
Try as they may, nothing is likely to assuage the opposition’s doubling down on the allegation that Senator Okpebholo’s carrying a speech deficit through the last days of campaigns that end on September 19, for the crucial September 21 election for the 2024 Edo State governorship!
Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria
Opinion
Day Mamman Vatsa welcomed Ken Saro-Wiwa to his Abuja Village
By Tunde Olusunle
He reincarnated in the form of a cream coloured, two-storey building in the bosom of the boulder-braided, writers’ commune, in the rocky delight of Abuja’s Mpape district. His happy host, like him an erstwhile member of the tribe of wordmongers was despatched over a phantom putsch one decade before him. But he rolled out a carpet of dry laterite with the steady onset of northerly harmattan, to receive his new guest and kindred spirit. The air was sedate, the biosphere alluring and serene as his name echoed from the signage hoisted in front of the structure. This, henceforth, will be the haven of scribblers from across the globe desiring genuine solitude to commune with their muses in the very intricate venture of creative expression. Not too many of the young writers who enthusiastically witnessed the recent commissioning of the *Ken Saro-Wiwa International Writers Residency* in Abuja, however, knew enough about the martyr who was so canonised, nor the nexus between Ken Saro-Wiwa and his figurative “host,” Mamman Jiya Vatsa.
As part of the activities commemorating the 43rd International Convention of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (ANA), which held between Thursday October 31 and Saturday November 2, 2024, a newly built edifice christened after Saro-Wiwa, was scheduled for inauguration. Ken Saro-Wiwa remains one of Nigeria’s most multitasking and most productive writers of all time. He lived for only 54 years but left behind an authorial legacy which continues to challenge the prolificity of successor writers. Saro-Wiwa was a compelling novelist, an engaging essayist, a consummate poet, an arresting dramatist, and a fearless public scholar.
Regarded as Africa’s very first purpose-built writers village, the expansive hilltop project in Mpape, Abuja, was named after Vatsa, an army General who was a Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, (FCT), under the regime of Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida. Less than seven months into the Babangida milieu in March 5, 1986, Vatsa was executed by firing squad for alleged “treason associated with an abortive coup.” He was 45 at the time. I had the privilege of meeting Vatsa’s only surviving biological child, Aisha, at the “World Poetry Day 2024,” hosted in honour of her father in March 2024, at the same writers’ village. Vatsa was a writer who reportedly published about 20 anthologies of poetry. These include: *Verses for Nigerian State Capitals,* (1972); *Back Again at Wargate,* (1982); *Reach for the Skies,* (1984), and *Tori for Geti Bow leg and other Pidgin Poems,* (1985).
The renowned literary scholar, critic, polemicist and Emeritus Professor, Biodun Jeyifo, was perhaps the first notable intellectual to engage authoritatively with Vatsa’s works in the primordial *Guardian Literary Series, (GLS),* published by *The Guardian* newspapers of old, in the 1980s. The essay is published in *Perspectives on Nigerian Literature, (Volume 2, 1988),* edited by Yemi Ogunbiyi. Vatsa as FCT helmsman, it was, who allocated the generous swathes of hitherto pristine land with scenic views upon which the writers village is sited today. The complex is deservedly named after him in eternal gratitude by the writers fraternity.
Ken Saro-Wiwa was the fourth President of ANA. He succeeded the renowned dramatist and Emeritus Professor of theatre arts, Femi Osofisan, in 1990, and was a very energetic personality, famous for the tobacco pipe which was permanently seated on his lip, drawing parity with that of Ousmane Sembene, the famous Senegalese frontline African novelist and filmmaker. Saro-Wiwa had a multitasking career which saw him as a university lecturer in his earlier years; an administrator and public servant, and an environmental activist, at various times. He was leader of the *Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People,* (MOSOP), which prosecuted a nonviolent campaign for the protection of Ogoni land and water resources from devastation by oil multinationals.
He backed up this enterprise with regular interventions in the public space as a writer and columnist for a number of authoritative newspapers. He consistently drew attention to the despoliation of the natural resources of his people and wrote regularly for *Vanguard* and *Sunday Times,* among other publications. He was a regular, long-staying guest of the gulags of successive military governments, through the administrations of Ibrahim Babangida and Sani Abacha. In 1994, he was arrested and charged with instigating the murders of four Ogoni leaders, May 4, 1994, on a day he was indeed barred from accessing Ogoniland. Saro-Wiwa and his eight “accomplices” were executed by hanging at the Port Harcourt prison where they were held and convicted, on November 10, 1995, exactly one month after his 54th birthday on October 10, 1995.
By some uncanny calendrical coincidence, the *Ken Saro-Wiwa International Writers Residency,* was inaugurated early November 2024, the very same month he was despatched 29 years ago in 1995. Global outrage trailed the killing of Saro-Wiwa and his compatriots, with the Commonwealth suspending Nigeria for three years, among other sanctions. The death of Sani Abacha in June 1998, the subsequent acceleration of processes which returned Nigeria to civilian rule by Abacha’s successor, Abdulsalami Abubakar, and the enthronement of the Fourth Republic in 1999, gradually tempered the world’s coldness towards Nigeria.
At least three dozen book titles are credited to Ken Saro-Wiwa’s name. These include novels, novellas, anthologies of poetry, plays for radio and television, memoirs and diaries, and so on. His works have received some international attention and have been translated into German, Dutch and French. His authorial oeuvre includes: *Tambari,* (a novel, 1973); *Tambari in Dukana,* (a sequel to *Tambari,* 1986); *A Bride for Mr B,* (a novella, 1983), and *Songs in a Time of War,* (poetry, 1985). Ken Saro-Wiwa also wrote *Sozaboy: A Novel in Rotten English,* (1985); *A Forest of Flowers,* (1986, short stories); *Prisoners of Jebs,* (a novel, 1988) and *Pita Dumbrok’s Prison,* (1991), which like the former is very biting political satire.
*On a Darkling Plain: An Account of the Nigerian Civil War,* (memoirs, 1989), a war which he witnessed firsthand, is also one of his very gripping works of prose. Saro-Wiwa’s public engagements are aggregated in several volumes of essays notably *Nigeria: The Brink of Disaster,* (1991); *Similia: Essays on Anomic Nigeria,* (1991) and *Genocide in Nigeria: The Ogoni Tragedy,* (1992). Even in his final days, weeks and months of his sojourn on this side of the divide, Saro-Wiwa “remained incredibly productive.” Posthumously, his family, foreign concerns and nongovernmental organisations continued to call-up manuscripts from his personal library to publish new works by him. A personal diary he kept while he was in incarceration before his eventual annihilation was published with the title *A Month and a Day: A Detention Diary,* in 1995. Over 20 years after his demise, some of his essays were assembled as *Silence would be Treason: Last Writings of Ken Saro-Wiwa,* and published by Daraja Press in Ottawa, Canada, in 2018.
The *Ken Saro-Wiwa International Writers Residency* is one of the first major physical projects delivered by the leadership of Usman Oladipo Akanbi. Fortuitously, Akanbi’s deputy, Obari Gomba, winner of the 2023 *NLNG Prize for Drama,* is from Saro-Wiwa’s Ogoni country. He must have felt gratified by the honour done his *countryman,* whose trajectory he followed as a much younger writer. The eventual breaking of the ice, the decisive commencement of the physical development of the hitherto forlorn and controversial expansive hectarage of ANA property was consummated under the leadership of Denja Abdullahi in 2017. Obi Asika, Director-General of the National Council for Arts and Culture, (NCAC), commissioned the *Ken Saro-Wiwa International Writers Residency.*
The ceremony was witnessed by an impressive array of writers, headlined by Emeritus Professors Osofisan and Olu Obafemi, both former Presidents of ANA, as well as Nuhu Yaqub, OFR. Yaqub holds the distinction of being the only Nigerian scholar thus far to have served as Vice Chancellor in two federal universities, those of Abuja and Sokoto. Other literary greats at the event and the main Convention included: Professors Shamshudeen Amali, OFR, former Vice Chancellor, University of Ilorin; Akachi Adimora-Ezeigbo; May Ifeoma Nwoye and Sunnie Ododo, all Fellows of the Nigerian Academy of Letters, (FNAL) and the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA).
There were also Professors Joe Ushie, a Member of ANA Board of Trustees; Emeka Aniagolu; Udenta Udenta; Maria Ajima; Al Bishak; Mabel Evwierhoma; Razinat Mohammed; Vicky Sylvester Molemodile and Mahfouz Adedimeji. Immediate past ANA President, Camillus Ukah, Emeritus diplomat and writer Ambassador Albert Omotayo, featured at the Convention. Canada-based writer, scholar and Professor, Nduka Otiono who served as General Secretary of the association under the leadership of Olu Obafemi, was admitted into the College of Fellows of the body. Chairman of the *Abuja Chapter of ANA,* Arc Chukwudi Eze, was the resident host with compelling responsibility to stay through all events.
Tunde Olusunle, PhD, Fellow of Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA), teaches Creative Writing at the University of Abuja
Opinion
That ‘fake’ Sanwo-Olu vs EFCC suit: Whodunit? Who sponsored it?
By Ehichioya Ezomon
Strange things happen in Nigeria, one of the latest being a suit purportedly filed by Lagos State Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu, to prevent the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) from investigating, arresting, detaining or prosecuting him or his aides after his eight-year tenure of office in 2027.
However, the Lagos Attorney General and Commissioner for Justice, Lawal Pedro (SAN), has debunked the widely-publicised suit, saying Sanwo-Olu neither sued nor authorised any legal practitioner to file a suit on his behalf concerning the matter, adding that the EFCC isn’t investigating the governor and hasn’t invited him or threatened to arrest any of his staff, domestic or otherwise.
The odder and curiouser angle to the alleged pre-emptive writ at the Federal High Court in Abuja is that it’s filed in June 2024, almost three years ahead of Sanwo-Olu’s terminal governance of Nigeria’s commercial capital, the richest State in the Federation, and the fifth largest economy in Africa as of 2022 GDP figures, which Sanwo-Olu’s pledged to advance further by 2027.
Thus, the suit is a new one on Nigerians, as the proverbial bridge is way too far off – 36 months to Sanwo-Olu’s end of tenure – to attempt to cross before getting there! Snapets from EFCC’s moves against outgoing governors are telegraphed a few months or weeks before they bow out of office, so giving them the jitters. They either begin to express being squeaky clean, alleging political witch-hunt or daring the EFCC to carry out its threat to make them account for their stewardship.
Since democracy returned in Nigeria in 1999, a few ex-governors have escaped overseas and were forced to return to Nigeria to face prosecution; many have remained in the country to face the EFFC and years of legal ordeal; a couple of them, such as former Ekiti State Governors Ayo Fayose and Kayode Fayemi, have presented themselves to the commission for interrogation and/or prosecution.
Some former governors have engaged in a hide-and-seek, for instance, Yahaya Bello of Kogi State, who’d gone underground for months only to unexpectedly show up at the EFCC headquarters in Abuja in October 2024, and yet wasn’t booked, interrogated, or detained having been on the wanted list of the EFCC and the courts; two have been tried, jailed and served their sentences; one was tried and jailed but his sentence overturned on appeal and was released from prison; while one was tried overseas and served his sentence before returning to the country.
Lately, the EFCC threat to investigate, arrest, detain or prosecute former governors has become mostly academic, and the norm rather than the exception. It appears some ex-governors now relish being dragged by the EFCC, at least, as a way to keeping themselves in the news after missing the years of free spotlighting.
But even as Sanwo-Olu’s reported counsel, Darlington Ozurumba, sues the EFCC as sole defendant over the said threat to arrest, detain and prosecute the governor after his tenure, the EFCC has denied knowledge, contemplation or plans by the commission or any of its officers to harass, intimidate, arrest or prosecute Sanwo-Olu after May 29, 2027,
As reported by The News Agency of Nigeria (NAN), when the matter was called for mention on October 29, Ozurumba informed the court that he’d withdrawn the earlier originating summons, and that the EFCC had been duly served with the latest court documents, which the commission’s counsel, Hadiza Afegbua, said she’s yet to sight, even as the proof of service of the processes wasn’t in the court file, and Justice Abdulmalik adjourned the matter to November 26 for further mention.
In an originating summons, marked: FHC/ABJ/CS/773/2024, dated and filed on June 6, Sanwo-Olu, reportedly raising seven questions and seeking 11 reliefs, prays for a declaration that, under and by virtue of the provisions of Section 37 of the amended 1999 Constitution, “the plaintiff, as a citizen of Nigeria, is entitled to right to private and family life as a minimum guarantee encapsulated under the Constitution, before, during and after occupation of public office created by the Constitution.”
Besides craving a declaration that, upon community reading of the provisions of Sections 35(1) & (4) and 41(1) of the Constitution, the threat of his investigation, arrest and detention by the EFCC during his tenure of office as governor is illegal, Sanwo-Olu allegedly prays the court to declare that the incessant harassment, threat of arrest and detention against him upon the EFCC’s instigation by his political adversaries based on false and politically-motivated allegation of corruption, is a misuse of executive powers and abuse of public office.
Hence, he purportedly seeks, among others, an order restraining the EFCC from harassing, intimidating, arresting, detaining, or prosecuting him in connection with his tenure as the governor of Lagos State.
However, the EFCC, describing as speculative and a conjecture the alleged Sanwo-Olu’s claims and reliefs in his fundamental right enforcement suit, has denied it threatened, invited or took any step at all to encroach on the governor’s right to freedom of movement or violated his right to private and family life and personal liberty.
Countering the originating summons Ozurumba purportedly filed on behalf of Sanwo-Olu, the EFCC, in an affidavit filed on October 31 by its lawyer, Hadiza Afegbua, the deponent, Ufuoma Ezire, told Justice Joyce Abdulmalik of the Federal High Court, Abuja, that the plaintiff’s depositions in Paragraphs 4, 5, 6, 7 and even 8 are unfounded, untrue and unknown to the defendant, and calculated to mislead the court, and are hereby denied.
Noting that the EFCC isn’t investigating Sanwo-Olu, and has never invited him or threatened to arrest any member of his staff, domestic or otherwise, Ezire states that the EFCC invites members of the public for interview, interrogation or any engagement vide a written invitation, phone calls or text messages by any of its officers, who shall introduce themselves by name, rank, designation, and section to enable the invitee trace the officer easily.
Ezire says the EFCC is unaware of any threat to arrest Sanwo-Olu’s “aides, accusation of maladministration or diversion of Lagos State’s funds nor is it aware of any likelihood of a breach of the applicant’s right to liberty or right to own movable and immovable properties in this case.”
Stressing that there’s no petition or any intel gathered before the EFCC to warrant its officers to invite, or threaten to arrest the plaintiff at the moment, Ezire asserts that the entirety of the alleged Sanwo-Olu’s dispositions isn’t true, as the application is “misconceived and brought in bad faith to mislead this honourable court,” adding that, “it will be in the interest of justice to refuse the reliefs sought by the plaintiff.”
Similarly, Mr Pedro, the Lagos Attorney General, in a statement on October 29 rebutting “the news circulating in a section of the media, titled: ‘Sanwo-Olu sues EFCC over alleged plan to arrest, prosecute him after tenure,’” clarified as follows:
“Mr Babajide Sanwo-Olu, at no time, sued or briefed any legal practitioner to file a suit on his behalf concerning the above subject matter. Moreover, it is implausible for the Governor, who enjoys immunity as conferred by the Constitution, and has almost three years remaining in office, to engage any lawyer on this matter.
“To the best of my knowledge, my inquiry confirmed that the EFCC is not investigating the governor and has never invited him or threatened the arrest of any member of his staff, domestic or otherwise. We are currently investigating how the case came to be without our knowledge.
“For the avoidance of doubt, Mr Babajide Sanwo-Olu has demonstrated exemplary service delivery and prudent, judicious management of public resources. Therefore, Mr Babajide Sanwo-Olu, who is tirelessly working to improve the living conditions of all Lagosians, has no cause for concern when he eventually leaves office at the end of his tenure in May 2027.
“We, therefore, urge media organisations to be cautious about the reports they publish on their esteemed platforms to avoid misleading the public.”
Needless to ask: Whodunit? Who sponsored it? Without a doubt, the so-called Sanwo-Olu’s suit, filed by an “unauthorised legal practitioner,” against the EFCC is the handiwork of his political adversaries trying to induce, instigate or coerce the anti-graft agency to embark on a fishing expedition it’s no reasonable grounds for, either from a petition(s) or intel that points to a likelihood of (mis)appropriation of funds and resources of Lagos by the governor or his aides.
That said, many will defend Governor Sanwo-Olu for perceptively seen as deploying the resources at his disposal to upgrade and develop existing and new infrastructural and human capital needs to match the Lagos motto of “The State Of Excellence” and its Mega City status that’s attracted unprecedented public and private investments.
These include the Lagos Metropolitan Area Transport Authority (LAMATA-) managed ground-breaking Blue and Red Rail Lines, the Bus Rapid Transport (BRT) system, the proposed Fourth Mainland Bridge, the Atlantic City project, the fully-automated Imota Rice Mill, and the Lekki Free Trade Zone that houses the multibillion dollar 650,000bpd-capacity Dangote Petroleum Refinery – the largest single-train refinery in the world at full capacity – which’s Nigeria’s window to self-sufficiency in production and supply of petroleum products.
Other areas in the Lagos socio-economic sphere: Education, ICT, innovation and technology, healthcare, commerce, agribusiness, small-scale industries, entertainment, showbusiness, tourism, and youth and sports development are receiving adequate attention, and have become a source of pride to Lagosians, and emulation by other States in Nigeria.
Lagos, a hub of international engagements all-year-round, has moved up the ladder as one of the most preferred destinations on the continent of Africa, and is up-scaling on the global leisure spots, thanks to Governor Sanwo-Olu and his vastly young, professional, dynamic and dedicated team, who’ve deployed their expertise in various fields to achieve a shared dream of Lagos leading or being among the best in all human endeavours.
Sanwo-Olu isn’t just a workaholic delivering on the promises of his administration, but he’s the epitome of the alias, “Mr Project,” in the true sense of the lingo in our clime. So, why should he be worried about the EFFC when he’s deploying the resources of Lagos to develop the state to an enviable standard! The “amiable” governor should free his mind and continue “to finish strong” with the good works he’s been doing, for which he’s received umblemished praises, accolades and awards within and outside Nigeria.
Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria
Opinion
Rethinking the framework of presidential communication
By Tunde Olusunle
Seasons of politicking have always excited me through the ages. They come with multidimensional appeal and inspiration for both the creative writer and the recorder of history in motion, the journalist. They are characterised by sights and sounds, specific to the season. They throw up slogans and soundbites, rhymes and rhythms, frills and thrills, which ring and re-echo in our consciousness beyond the period. Can I for instance ever forget a 2011 incident during which my SUV, an Infinity QX 56 was transported by a wooden ferry across the River Niger from Lokoja the Kogi State capital to Gboloko in Bassa local government area in Kogi State? It was during the off-cycle election which produced the Emeritus aviator, Idris Wada, as governor of Kogi State. My heart was effectively in my mouth for the duration of that trip. I opted to return to the Kogi State capital through a longer land route, rather than repeat that experiment.
Campaigns could turn boisterous and carnivalesque, generating a tapestry of tongues, a cacophony of colours, in the frenzied ambience of festivity. Afrobeats which has hoisted Nigerian music unto the global spotlight, has become sine qua non on Nigeria’s political trail. This is the trend in the liberal north central and global south of Nigeria, typically enlivening open air campaigns and concurrent roadshows. Most unfortunately, the “do or die” desperation which has blighted contemporary electioneering in parts, has impacted the characteristic blitz and glitz of electioneering in instances. My involvement in quite a few such exercises over several decades, at various levels, has privileged me with “seven-figure gigabytes” of on-field experience such that one can speak about these issues from an informed perspective.
Nigeria’s political discourse was noticeably enriched with new rhetoric in the run-up to the 2023 presidential polls. Incumbent President Bola Tinubu, Nigeria’s former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar and a former governor of Anambra State, Peter Obi, were the flagbearers of the three foremost political parties. These were the All Progressives Congress, (APC); the Peoples Democratic Party, ( PDP) and the Labour Party, (LP). Tinubu encountered storms and tempests, en route securing the prized ticket. There was obvious conspiracy to deny him the ticket with over a dozen aspirants contesting against him for the flag, many candidate riding on the phantom endorsement of former President Muhammadu Buhari.
In obvious allusion to the overt plots against him at the time, an exasperated Tinubu told a crowd of supporters in Ogun State, that it was his turn to be President. He captured this in Yoruba as emi lokan. Tinubu has been largely credited with the coronation of Buhari as President in 2015. The “gentlemanly” agreement between both parties was that Buhari will reciprocate the good turn, come 2023. The expression emi lokan spontaneously became an Afrobeat song. The National Association of Seadogs, (NAS), better known as the Pyrates Confraternity, made the expression into a song which was further discofied by the Afrobeat artist, Dede Mabiaku. Trust Nigerians to make capital of almost anything and everything. Before that, there was Tinubu’s slip when he advocated the recruitment of “50 million youths” to fight ravaging insurgency and banditry across the land. They would be fed with garri, ewa, agbado, (cassava grains, beans and maize), was his prescription at the time.
Not too long after the “Abeokuta Declaration,” Tinubu at an event in Owerri in the South East as part of his campaigns, trailed off his script. He spoke about a townhall different from balablu blublu bulaba, which was not captured in his prepared text. The expression caught like wildfire and assumed a life of its own. Skit makers spontaneously feasted on it and came up with ingenious, hilarious copies of versions, calculated to throw barbs in the direction of APC presidential frontman. The phrase was adopted in Nigeria’s ever evolving specie of the English language to describe anything bewildering, confusing, fuzzy, perplexing.
The frontline media aides to President Tinubu are very well established professionals. Bayo Onanuga, (Special Adviser, Information and Strategy); Tunde Rahman, (Senior Special Assistant to the President, Media), and more recently Sunday Dare, (Special Adviser, Public Communication and Orientation), come to their schedules with lorry loads of cognate newsroom experience at the highest levels. Onanuga and friends founded the irrepressible TheNews magazine and PM News, which gave the administration of General Sani Abacha a good run in the mid-1990s by the way. He went all the way to serve as Managing Director of the News Agency of Nigeria, (NAN), under the Buhari government.
Rahman worked at different times in the Daily Times, The Punch and Thisday. He indeed floated a private enterprise, Western Post, which he conceived to fill the lacuna created by the liquidation of Daily Sketch, a quasi-rival to the Nigerian Tribune, in the once-upon-a-time Ibadan media space. I was a gratis contributing editor to the venture. Dare, who is multilingual having been raised in the north of Nigeria, once headed the Hausa service of the Voice of America, (VOA). He cut his professional teeth under Onanuga and the co-founders of TheNews magazine. Such is the quality of media specialists in this tripod, available to support President Tinubu.
In the aftermath of the appointment of Daniel Bwala as Special Adviser to the President on Public Communications and Media, a list of over one dozen appointees has been making the rounds. It features the names and designations of these many aides whose functions devolve around communicating the President and boosting his corporate profile. For the avoidance of doubt, with the exclusion of Onanuga, Rahman, Dare and Bwala,
the list reads thus: Abdulaziz Abdulaziz (Senior Special Assistant to the President, Print Media); O’tega Ogra (Senior Special Assistant (Digital/New Media) and Tope Ajayi, Senior Special Assistant (Media and Public Affairs).
There are also Segun Dada (Special Assistant, Social Media); Nosa Asemota (Special Assistant, Visual Communication); Fela Durotoye (Senior Special Assistant to the President, National Values and Social Justice) and Fredrick Nwabufo (Senior Special Assistant to the President, Public Engagement). Also on the list are Linda Nwabuwa Akhigbe (Senior Special Assistant to the President, Strategic Communications) and Aliyu Audu (Special Assistant to the President, Public Affairs). The last time I checked, there still is a civil service component to the media office in the State House, who are restricted to drafting press releases to be signed by the bigger bosses, eternally relegating them to anonymity. The list above does not include the nation’s Number One “salesman,” the Minister for Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris Malagi. It also does not feature the media operatives in the wing of the Vice President, Kashim Shettima.
You go through this list and your mind exhumes scenes from the very engaging sitcom, Fuji House of Commotion, hitherto aired regularly on national television. At its very centre was Chief Fuji, very ably acted by the renowned thespian, Kunle Bamtefa. Chief Fuji was married to four wives, some from sociocultural backgrounds different from his. Children filled the home, generating sustained intra-family bedlam. Not forgetting members of the extended family as well as family friends who stopped by on visits, contributing to the subsisting confusion. It was sure to be inevitable cacophony every single day with such a family configuration.
This subsisting presidential apparachik for public communication is a potential babel, the way it is. It is indeed a subtle prescription for possible dysfunction especially if the appointees work at cross purposes. True, there is an attempt at streamlining specialties in the present order, with novel creations like “visual communication,” “digital/new media,” “strategic communication,” “national values and social justice,” among others. Truth, however, is that this skinning and shredding of the flesh of the overarching schedule of presidential communication is susceptible to being counter-productive. There are glaring titular duplications and inevitable overlaps which could be latently combustible. Have we forgotten the proverb about “too many cooks spoiling the broth?”
Back in May, I wrote an essay titled: Wanted: A State of Emergency on the Cost of Governance. Therein, I canvassed moderation in the open-ended spree of political appointments, and the freestyle expansion of ministries, departments and agencies, (MDAs). All of these overburden the aggregate cost of governance, with specific regards to emoluments and overheads, to the detriment of tangible investment in infrastructures and services to drive socio-economic development. This is even as the federal government once committed to the implementation of the decade old “Stephen Oronsaye Report on the Reorganisation of Agencies and Parastatals,” which is yet to be implemented. We cannot continue to canvas foreign aid and loans, while mortgaging the futures of our children, without rethinking our penchant for rabid, voluptuous consumptiveness. Not forgetting our penchant for living large, living grand, as we would have seen in one video post which trended weeks ago, highlighting the bourgeois arrival of Senate President Godswill Akpabio to a routine session of the national assembly.
And why wouldn’t the President trust the tested Onanuga – Rahman – Dare triumvirate to headline his media marketing? True, Onanuga can contribute equally meaningfully to Tinubu’s government elsewhere having been on the media beat for over four decades now. He could as well be cooling off in the padded ambience of an ambassadorial role. This, however, does not detract from his proven capacities and qualities. About time for the President to rethink and reconfigure his media and communications ecosystem, en route to repositioning his administration for less wastage, and more impactful service delivery to his primary constituents. Every new appointment exacerbates our subsisting nightmarish indebtedness to shylocks across the world, and further pauperises our people.
Tunde Olusunle, PhD, a Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA), teaches Creative Writing at the University of Abuja.
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