Connect with us

Opinion

Jagaban as Model democrat: A cross-examination

Published

on

By Tunde Olusunle

Bola Ahmed Tinubu, presidential flagbearer of the All Progressives Congress, (APC), for the February 2023 election shocked many by his outburst earlier in the year. Among other aliases, Tinubu is famous for the traditional title, Jagaban, (lead warrior), bestowed on him years ago by the people of Borgu in Niger State. Out of a meeting with Muhammadu Buhari who he hopes to succeed as president, Tinubu was accosted by State House reporters. They sought his views, among others, about his reaction to the presidential intent of his “son.” Vice President Yemi Osinbajo a Tinubu protege had expressed interest in succeeding his principal, Buhari, who he had served at the time for about seven years. Since the “father” was interested in the same position like his son, what was his reaction to the unfolding scenario? A visibly incensed Tinubu reacted very sharply: “I have no son grown enough to run for presidency.”

It is widely believed that Tinubu was catalytic to the political development of Osinbajo, the former university professor and Senior Advocate of Nigeria, (SAN). As governor of Lagos State between 1999 and 2007, Tinubu appointed Osinbajo his attorney general and commissioner for justice. Osinbajo, who served as special adviser, (legal advice and litigation) to a former attorney general and minister of justice, Bola Ajibola from 1988 to 1992, is also a senior clergy with the Redeemed Christian Church of God, (RCCG). He was reportedly recommended by Tinubu, to Buhari as his running mate, immediately after the December 2014 presidential primary of the APC.

Tinubu deeply coveted the position and put himself forward. This was precedent to his being hushed by other leaders of the party, who urged religious sensitivity in a potentially fractious polity. Tinubu’s indifference to the critical reality of Nigeria as a nation with two dominant, maybe mutually jealous religions, Christianity and Islam, has been practically reinforced by his preference for a same faith pairing, on his ticket. How well his condescending option has been received by a cross section of Nigeria’s electorate, will be manifest come Saturday February 25, 2023.

Atiku Abubakar, presidential candidate of the Peoples’ Democratic Party, (PDP), has been more conscientious and pragmatic, opting for a more perceptive and balanced ticket. He is running with the very experienced and amenable Arthur Ifeanyi Okowa, governor of Delta State. Osinbajo’s political effrontery was greeted by recriminations and reprimands, even from the vortex of the Tinubu behemoth. Bayo Onanuga, one of the exemplars of the “underground” press which battled the repressive Sani Abacha era to no end, indeed theorised in a public statement to the effect that he brokered the foremost Tinubu/Osinbajo meet up. Saturday February 25, 2023 is just at the bend, by God’s divine grace.

The April 2022 faceoff between Tinubu and Osinbajo was not the first time the self-styled “national leader” of the APC tangled with his supposed dissenters and opponents. In the subsisting fourth republic in Nigeria, Tinubu launched the unwholesome tradition of subjugation and ejection of his deputies from office. Kofoworola Bucknor-Akerele, and Femi Pedro who started out with him in 1999 and 2003 respectively, were variously frustrated out of office by their common nemesis, Tinubu. While Bucknor-Akerele resigned December 2002, Femi Pedro was inaugurated in her place, January 2003. About a fortnight to the conclusion of the Tinubu government in May 2007, however, the Lagos State House of Assembly, instigated by the control freak Tinubu, impeached Pedro “over allegations of misconduct.” Bucknor-Akerele’s preceding relationship with Tinubu as “home-based” and “diaspora” components of the National Democratic Coalition, (NADECO) the anti-Abacha resistance coalition, counted for little when Tinubu fell out with her.

Babatunde Raji Fashola, SAN, Tinubu’s erstwhile Chief of Staff who succeeded him in “Government House, Alausa, Ikeja,” had his blues with his former principal. Fashola opted for a governance prototype which derived from his background as a technocrat. His benefactor, however, desired a zombified protege who took dictates and instructions from the archetypal Baba Isale, (political grandmaster), as known within the Nigerian context. Fashola’s resistance to robotisation almost cost him a second term ticket in 2011, as Tinubu was going to ring the changes. With the ruling PDP of the Goodluck Jonathan era winking at Fashola willing to gift him a ticket on the platter, however, a brow-beaten Tinubu recoiled. Fashola has since asserted his “independence,” becoming one of the star boys of the Buhari administration, who is into his eighth year as works and housing minister. He may yet become the longest serving minister of that ministry.

Akinwumi Ambode, a chartered accountant and seasoned technocrat who succeeded Fashola in 2015, was not as fortunate. He got kicked in the bottom by his mentor for what Tinubu described as “selfishness and deviation from the masterplan for the development of Lagos State.” Ambode was specifically nailed for “not carrying everybody along in the administration of the state.” In the ingenious and expanding lexicon of Nigeria’s sociopolitics, “carrying along” is the practice of unrestrained dispensation of patronage to stakeholders, which is tantamount to oiling the wheels, bolts and joints of the political superstructure. Ambode lost the opportunity of a return ticket to Babajide Sanwo-Olu.

Adeseye Ogunlewe, who represented Lagos East senatorial zone on the platform of the primordial Alliance for Democracy, (AD) between 1999 and 2003, had his fair share of issues with Tinubu. Ogunlewe was appointed works and housing minister by Obasanjo in the latter’s second term. Ogunlewe relentlessly criticised the Tinubu administration which he once described as “a failure and disaster.” In one instance, Ogunlewe intoned that Tinubu’s scoresheet, made the people of Lagos full of regrets for voting him. Deploying the influence of proxy authority, Tinubu heckled Ogunlewe to no end, until the former defected from the PDP to the APC, last year.

No less harried was Olorunnimbe Mamora, incumbent minister of science and technology, who served as speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly, between 1999 and 2003. Mamora won election in 2003 and 2007, respectively, to represent Lagos East. Despite the experience and colour he brought to the Senate between 2003 and 2011, he was denied a third term, on the express directives of Tinubu, whose aliases include Olowo Eko, (money man of Lagos). But the same Tinubu has gifted his wife, Remi, three successive tickets to the Senate!

Indeed, despite serving as deputy director-general of the Muhammadu Buhari Presidential Campaign Organisation in 2015, Mamora’s name was conspicuously missing, when appointments into positions into the new government, were being made. It was speculated that the new regime deferred to Tinubu, on issues of political patronage and nobody from the Lagos sub-country could be listed except by his express consent. Mamora subsequently featured as managing director of the National Inland Waterways Authority, (NIWA), courtesy of the sole intervention of former transportation minister, Rotimi Amaechi. Mamora functioned as Amaechi’s deputy in the campaign which produced the Buhari presidency, and Amaechi thought he had been unfairly treated when it was time to appropriate the cookies.

The example of Lasun Yusuf, deputy speaker of the House of Representatives during the eighth assembly, who defected from the APC to Labour Party, (LP), towards the actualization of his gubernatorial project in Osun State, remains fresh. Tinubu’s beef with Yusuf dated back to 2015. Yusuf frontally supported Yakubu Dogara for the position of Speaker of the lower parliament. The PDP caucus in the House thereafter, unanimously backed him as deputy to Dogara. Muzzled out of the APC, no thanks to a political tradition which accords “right of first refusal” to the incumbent, Yusuf sought new grounds elsewhere. Addressing a rally ahead of the July 2022 election, the Capone used the opportunity to exact his pound of flesh from Yusuf. His words: “Since they have opted to contest against my party, my candidate using the platform of Labour Party, may they deservedly labour to death!” I’m told anything, everything is possible once a microphone is clutched by a politician on the campaign dais.

No less demeaning was Tinubu’s riposte on Dapo Abiodun, on his visit to Ogun State earlier in the year, ahead of the presidential convention of the APC. Looking in the direction of Abiodun, his host and governor of the state, Tinubu blurted: Eleyi i ba ma je governor bi ki se tori temi. This interpretes as: “This one, this thing would never have made it to Government House, Abeokuta, but for me.” True, the utterance has become the subject of skits and memes on the social media, it cannot be more demeaning describing a governor or anyone for that matter, as a “thing” in whatever tongue.

The history of Nigeria’s evolution from the fascism of the Sani Abacha military era, documents Tinubu as one of those who stood against dictatorship. It is expected therefore, that he is up to speed with the intricacies and nuances of practical democracy. Tinubu’s demonstrably brusque, fiery, unforgiving temperament, however, compels introspection into the manner of combustible persona Nigeria might be signing up, in the event of collegiate political miscalculation, come February 2023.

A leader who vends political tickets, who determines terms of office, who dispenses freebies while posturing as an avowed democrat, is a potential risk to the evolution of popular governance. Many of his celebrated mentees, apparently, have tasted the flaming raw wrath of an absolutist, who places a leash on his every subject. And they must stay in line or be doomed castaways. We leave Kashim Shettima to find out more about his senior partner, if they do make it to Aso Villa.

Nigeria’s southern media creates an erroneous impression that the onslaught against military despotism was powered only by democrats in the south. The Peoples’s Democratic Movement, (PDM), established by Shehu Musa Yar’Adua, deputy to Obasanjo in the latter’s years as military head of state between 1976 and 1979, had Atiku as de facto Number Two man. Atiku always had good friends in the media and leveraged their goodwill. PDM addressed press conferences and issued press releases, calling for the unconditional exit of the military from office. PDM relentlessly battled the military milieu of Sani Abacha to no end, culminating in the incarceration of Yar’Adua. At the height of the clamour for the exit of the military rulership, Atiku refused overtures to betray the PDM by the Abacha government. He was thereafter targeted in his Kaduna home, an incident which claimed seven lives. Atiku was compelled to accede to entreaties to relocate abroad, while the sociopolitical situation simmered.

Nigeria Container Services, (NICOTES) the marine logistics outfit co-founded by Atiku and Italian partner Gabrielle Volpi, was also emasculated, to deliberately asphyxiate the fountain of funding, for the perceived “anti-government activities” of the PDM. More fundamentally, his gross investment in the development and sustenance of democracy, will be diagnosed, subsequently. Importantly, these include the landmark litigations he instituted, pursued and triumphed in, in what is easily the highest number of constitutional inquisitions by any individual or entity, in the last two decades. Maxwell Gidado, SAN and Chudi Ojukwu have captured these in their jointly edited book: Landmark Constitutional Law Cases In Nigeria, 2004 to 2007: The Atiku Abubakar Cases, (2013). Democracy has been the bigger beneficiary of these benevolent engagements, which substantially, have clipped the wings of overbearing political overlords.

Tunde Olusunle, PhD, is Special Adviser, Media and Publicity to Atiku Abubakar.

Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Opinion

Achilles’ Heels of a Dedicated Leader – Natasha in the 10th Senate

Published

on

Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan

By Hamza Lamisi
No doubt that one of the expected big game Changers of the 10th National Assembly, particularly the Senate, is the emergence of a vocal voice who ran one of the country’s most persecuted election campaigns in Nigeria’s history. From the feminine gender in a male dominated political ecosystem to being transracial in a highly conservative District; a Christian in Muslim-saturated bargain table of stakeholders, from being single to inter-tribally married in a natively and culturally republic Ebira Land. Not only to contest in a struggling opposition party but to face the most ruthless Chief Security Officer of her State, from her District.

The odds were obviously too many but Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan upturned the guess – defeating the threatening ruling party and emerging the first female Senator Kogi State ever produced. She defined the turning point of Kogi Central’s representation in Nigeria’s bicameral Parliament. Unlike her colleagues from Kogi State who rode on the backing of the number one citizen of the State, Senator Natasha’s road to the red Chambers was never paved, it was a tough and rough journey of determination, persistence, unwavering dedication and commitment to a dream held in trust for the people.

She walked through the storms and she is shaped by the lessons – to remain bold, assertive, unbroken, unbeaten and unbowed by any circumstance, because only by struggle and perseverance freedom comes. Not unaware of the systemic dialogue, lobby and collaboration but Senator Natasha would not do so at the expense or in exchange of the People’s trust and mandate for which she swore oath to protect.

Stepping into the Senate as a survivor of election and litigation battles, and looking back to the unwavering support and uncommon trust of Kogi people and Nigerians by extension, notwithstanding already some months behind her fellow law makers, Senator Natasha was prepared to have the end justify the means. Barely 16 months from the very day of her swearing-in till date, Senator Natasha’s contributions and impact in the 10th Senate have left many wonder if she was a first time Senator or one elected from the minority opposition. Most popular and best performing member of the current National Assembly.

Just within one year in office, Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan lit 30 kilometers of road networks across Kogi Central with over 2,000 solar powered streetlights. Over 1,300 women and youth were trained and empowered by the law maker. Senator Natasha has supported the tuition fee of over 353 vulnerable indigenous students at tertiary institutions nationwide. She has faciliated federal employment opportunities for various graduates and facilitate capacity building trainings and empowerment for many others.

She brought a reliable supply of portable water to Kogi Central communities with 12 water reticulation projects with each being a massive 50,000-liter solar-powered motorized water system, which serves 300 locations and provides, 1,800 fetching taps.

To draw legislation closer to the grassroot, Senator Natasha engaged 100 constituency aides both men and women across the 57 wards in Kogi Central. She has distributed 12 trucks of grains, 10, 000 wrappers for women, 20,000 notebooks, 5,000 school bags and reconstructed and remodeled Abdul Aziz Attah Memorial College Okene (AAAMCO), Okene to smart school.

Within one year in office, Senator Natasha has attracted employments in both federal agencies and private organizations to over 30 graduates from her constituency.

Ihima community has been without police station for the past 7 years, Senator Natasha embarked on total reconstruction of Ihima Police Station which was commissioned by the Inspector-General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun.

Senator Natasha distributed 4 trucks of fertilizers totalling 2,400 bags of NPK and Urea fertilizers to Kogi Central farmers. Free Business CAC registration of 2,500 SMEs. She has empowered Kogi Central students from 12 selected tertiary institutions across Nigeria with multipurpose business cart and start up fund.

Commissioned six constituency offices in the five LGAs to make government closer to the people. Senator Natasha has sponsored two motions and two bills including the bill for the establishment of Nigeria Gold Reserve, the bill for the establishment of Ihima Federal Medical Centre, motion to investigate alleged corruption and inefficiency in Ajaokuta Company Ltd and National Iron Ore Mining Company, NIOMCO amongst other.

Senator Natasha has provided 5,000 digital learning devices to both public primary and secondary schools in Kogi Central.

For her magical achievements in office and accelerated development and impact her constituency has witnessed, Senator Natasha has received and even turned down several prestigious awards. She emerged Senator of the year 2024 which is her first year in office as Senator.

Achieving these feats in less than 16 months as a first time Senator and one from the minority party and from Kogi Central, one may wonder what could be the Achilles’ Heels of Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan in the 10th Senate and why the persecution by supposed colleagues in the Chambers. Is there a question of loyalty to individual rather than institution? Is it her performance record or her dedication to the business of legislation rather than playing the cheap political cards around the leadership of the Senate? Is it her idea of universal development of Nigeria rather than regional? After all, every Senator is of the Federal Republic Nigeria and should think and act so.

We may ask further; is anyone being threatened by her uncommon pace? Is there a question of envy or jealousy among her colleagues? Do they expect Senator Natasha to be one step behind, considering the enormity of the task on her shoulders as Senator from an already underrepresented District in the past? Is there a fear that Senator Natasha may reveal to Nigerians what is due to them from their representatives across boards? We may have more to ask than provide answers.

Meanwhile, Senator Natasha is a more than equal to the task of addressing the challenges that come with standing out in an uncommon manner. She is not one to be taught the difference between ‘diplomacy and cold slavery’ or ‘breach of rules and violation of right’. Nobody can silence her or box her to a corner of the Senate. Beyond her voice and impact over the years as an ordinary citizen, the people have been her greatest strength and she can only get more strengthed by any attempt to silence her.

Nigerians know how rare it is to have a NATASHA among the current crop of leaders and they are obviously making sure she is protected against bully, intimidation or harassment in the Senate. The dream is of the people, by the people and for the people, and so the mandate too.

Continue Reading

Opinion

Babangida’s Confession and Atonement: Quo Vadis?

Published

on

Ibrahim Babangida

By Professor Mike Ozekhome, SAN, CON, OFR, LL.D.

I have carefully read and listened to former Nigerian military president, General Ibrahim
Badamosi Babagida’s public remorse and regrets over the atrocious annulment of the June
12,1993 presidential elections. He did this 32 whopping years later. I want to very quickly say
that it takes a man with strong guts and balls and a man who has become repentant, born
again and has seen the face of God to publicly recant his earlier wrongful deeds and offer
public apology to the entire nation. This was no doubt meant to heal gapinng wounds and
balm wounded and bruised hearts.
The polls, the best, most transparent and credible elections, ever held in Nigeria till date,
were meant to end decades of military d The annulment threw Nigeria into turmoil and
widespread unreast, protests, maimings and killings. This forced Babagida to “step aside”;
the enthronenent of the Enest Shonekan’s Interim Government; and the arrest and detention
of Chief Moshood Abiola, the presumed winner who later died in Aso Villa in questionable
and suspicious circumstances. Of course, General Sani Abacha who was his second in
command later sacked Shonekan in a bloodless coup. For years, IBB prevaricated on the
annulment, claiming he did it in the best national interest. But on Thursday the 21st of
February, 2025,Babangida during the presentation of his memoirs, “A journey In Service”,
pointedly regretted in the public: “I regret June 12. I accept full responsibility for the
decisions taken and June 12 happened under my watch. Mistakes, missteps happened
in quick succession. That accident of history is most regrettable. The nation is entitled
to expect my expression of regret “. And wait for it:: he acknowledged for the first time that
Abiola won the elections fair and square, trouncing his major opponent, Alhaji Bashir Tofa.
I want to salute Babagida for having the courage and humility to own up like a man; that
everything that happened during the June 12 crisis took place under him as the head of state
and the president who was also the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal
Republic of Nigeria. I salute him for acknowledging that his government which actually
organised unarguably the freest, fairest and most credible elections in the electoral history
of Nigeria when it introduced option A4 from electoral books that were hithenlrto unknown
to Nigeria or to the world. But unfortunately, regrettably like he now admits, he again turned
around to annul the same elections in a way that was most bizarre, curious and unnatural.
To me, that he has come out to open up to doing something wrong and egregious to a
bleeding nation should be appreciated. I believe that Nigerians should forgive him because
to err is human and to forgive is divine ( Eph 4:32 ). I personally have now forgiven him
because I was also a victim of the June12 crisis. It threw up all manners of challenges to me
as a person, where in my very youthful age; in my thirties, I found myself marching on the
streets of Lagos every day- from Ikeja bus stop roundabout, to Ikorodu road; up to Tejuosho
market; from there to Ojuelegba, Surulere; to Mushin; to Shomolu and Igando, Alimosho.
Everyday, we were on the streets, protesting the mindless annulment. Some of us were killed
in process; some were lucky enough to escape abroad on self exile. But some of us- very few
indeed- refused to flee our dear country; we stayed back. We stared at the military eyeball to
eyeball. We challenge authority and spoke truth to power. We challenged impunity and
repression. I suffered several detentions across different detention centres. I virtually could
not find means of livelihood for my youthful family because I was profiled, my phones bugged
and no briefs were coming in. But I personally forgive him because it takes tons of guts to
make public confession of having erred and atone for same as he has now done.
It is confession that leads to penance and penance leads to restitution and then forgiveness.
If Babagida were to die today, I believe that he will see the face of God because he has prayed
God to forgive him; and he has prayed Nigerians to forgive him. Beyond that historic and
epochal mistake of the annulment of the June 12 election which constitutes his original sin,
let me place it on record that Babagida is one of the greatest presidents that Nigeria ever had
in terms of his ingenuity, rulership mantra; ideas for national resurgimento; ideas that
contributed greatly to nation-building. These were aside the IMF-induced loans and pills
which he introduced and which we again valiantly fought against successfully.
Babagida it was who gave birth to the Federal Capital Territory and laid the solid foundation for virtually everything you see there today. His government was peopled by intellectuals and
not by half illiterates and quacks. He recognized and used intellects. He was luminous and he built bridges of understanding, friendship and brotherhood across Nigeria. Nigerians,
please, accept IBB’s confession and forgive him his sin of annuling the June 12,1993
elections. Let the wounds heal; let the heart melt; and let the spirit of national triumphalism
prevail.

Continue Reading

Opinion

DURBAR FESTIVAL: Ageless Heritage of Glamorous Display of Loyalty and Valour

Published

on

Festivals world over are the most popular forms of celebrations in human existence. Whether as religious, culture, sports, film, arts and other traditional practices, festivals are pivotal events that could involve millions of people in the case of the religion related across the globe annually or periodically. They are events that bring people together and are characterized with merriments, ceremonies, and a lot of other forms of fun and bonding.

Nigeria as a multi ethnic and diverse society with over 250 ethnic groups is enriched with various forms of festivals observed annually with those of religions most prominent with the celebrations by Muslims and Christians. Similarly, the traditional worshippers retain their own forms of festivals all depending on the tribes and the culture involved. Several among the religious and cultural festivals in Nigeria include Christmas the celebration of the birthday of Jesus Christ, the Easter that heralds lent and the resurrection of Jesus after death while Islam has Eid-el Kabir and Eid El-fitri which is breaking of Ramadan fasting. At the level of culture and tradition there other festivals that comes to mind that includes Argungu fishing festival in Kebbi state, the new yam festival predominantly among the Ibo speaking tribes, Durbar festival, Calabar Carnival, Osun festival, Ojude Oba festival, Igue festival among the Benin people of Edo state, Oro festival, Osun festival, Sango festival, Egungun festival all among the Yoruba people, New Yam festival, Eyo festival popular among the people of Lagos Island in Lagos state and so on.

Durbar Festival
The word Durbar is traced to Persian and is connected with the ceremony marking the installation of Queen Victoria as the Express of Colonial India in 1877 while the word have been pronounced and propounded as “darbar” with dar meaning door and bar meaning entry or audience in Hindi-Urdu. In Nigeria, Durbar is a treasured cultural horse riding and display festival majorly among the Hausa people of the northern Nigeria to mark the Islamic holidays of Eid-el- Fitri [end of Ramadan} and Eid-el-Adha [the feast of the lamb]. The over 400 years old practice is said to have been introduced by Sarki Muhammadu Rumfa of Kano in the late 14th century as military parade and display when horses were used in battles to defend and protect the Emirate and also the opportunity to pay homage and demonstrate loyalty to the emir. It is also part of demonstration to showcase the readiness of the palace troops for battles and to also celebrate important political events. Available information has it that the first major Durbar in the country took place on the 1st of January, 1900 as part of the celebration to mark the transition of the Royal Niger Company to an imperial Protectorate.

Also known as horse ride festival it is worthy of note that horses and to some extent camels played prominent roles in the growth and developments of the today prominent Nigeria cities like Kano, Katsina, Zaria, Sokoto and Bida. In the 14th century before the sojourn of Christopher Columbus, aside being used during conquest and in battlefields under the command of the Madawaki who leads cavalry of horsemen with their horses loaded with various weapons, horses were used mostly for commercial activities particularly the trans Sahara trade expansion with items like salt, gold and farm produces.

Ceremonies

The activities and ceremonies involves “Hawan sallah” in Hausa language {meaning Mount of Eid} which in essence connotes the mounting of horse during the Eid or sallah celebration. The ceremonies begin with prayers at Eid grounds followed with parade of the Emir and his entourage on horses followed with drummers and trumpeters with the movement ending at the Emir’s palace. The parade includes hundreds of beautifully decorated horses with nobles in their best clothes followed by musicians and magicians all in a long procession in distinctive turbans {Rawani} clearly indicating their nobility and social status through streets to pay homage to the Emir. Other special attractions particularly in Kano Durbar which is acclaimed to possess the biggest parade of colouful horses in the world, include the display by the “hyena man” who carries out street performance with trained animals like hyenas and baboons which create a lot of excitements and entertainment for the hundreds of crowd in attendance.

The procession of the strictly male event showcases participants dressed in flamboyant turbans and robes with modes indicating their royal linage. Kano Durbar for example is four day event that commences with Hawan sallah on the day of Eid followed by the day 2 and most popular for its entertainment and glamour Hawan Daushe for the special visitation of the Emir and his colourful entourage to his mother in her domain. The display of various entertainers including magicians, drummers, dancers, stunt men and masquerades attract and witness the attendance and spectators across the globe. The other two days are for Hawan Nassarawa and finally Hawan Doriya which are both continuous aspects for merriment during the festival.
The Emir’s return from his mother’s visitation on the day 2 {Hawan Daushe} is followed by The Jahi that sees the him and his entourage ride through various important historical quarters and families before returning to the palace. On arrival the Emir in a military manner takes position to receive salutes and traditional greetings from the cavalry of riders along with the various district heads, their families and entourage in order of hierarchy. This is followed by the demonstration of loyalty and gallantry by all the riders and spectators present. After the homage and performances, [The Jahi] the palace guards take positions and fire several gunshots to signal the closure and end of the day and most important aspect of the four day festival.

Durbar festival has become annual festival celebrated across cities Northern Muslim dominated cities of Nigeria like Kano, Katsina, Sokoto, Zaria and Bida and was extended to Ilorin in Kwara state during Eid el-fitri and Eid El-Adha. Generally speaking, the Durbar festival is not just the most population cultural heritage of the Hausa people of the northern Nigeria and major parts of Niger republic but it is festival that unite and bring the people together to celebrate their unique historical and cultural heritage.

Durbar festival recently has witnessed more activities like car racing and other fun fairs that attract sons and daughters of Hausa decent, visitors and tourist annually to places like Kano, Katsina and Zaria. The glamour, popularity and attractions of Durbar particularly the Kano Durbar festival over the years, led to the recognition of the festival as one of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity by the UNESCO in in December 17, 2024. This laudable and significant achievement in the nation’s cultural heritage exemplified the extent to which the festival has become popular to the people and the role it places towards unifying the people through their rich cultural heritage. During the presentation of the UNESCO certificate, by the Permanent Delegation of Nigeria to UNESCO to the Minister of Art, Culture, Tourism and Creative Economy Barr. Hannatu Musawa, opined that the great achievement does “not only celebrates the beauty and unity of the festival but also creates opportunities for the preservation and promotion of cultural heritage. The country’s representative at the UNESCO in addition stated that “Having the Kano Durbar on the UNESCO list is a huge milestone for Nigeria” while the Minister in her view remarked that “the recognitions bring both international prestige and tangible benefits to the local economy”.

In comparison, while Ujude Oba yet another similar festival of the Ijebu people of Ogun state in Western Nigeria, entails the participation of both male and female across various age groups as part of the big sallah [Eid-edha] celebration of the Muslim faithful. While both festivals identify or are associated with royalty, palace events and horse riding, durbar is strictly a male show and more of an horse riding festival while the practice is just an aspect of horse riding is just an aspect of Ojude Oba festival.

It is hope that the recent drive by the present administration leverages on the recent recognition of Durbar by the UNESCO to create more awareness through wider media coverage with a view of boosting general interest and tourist attractions which shall cascade or stimulate growth of the sector and also serve as source revenue to the governments across all levels.

Abdulkareem A. Ikharo.
Curator [NCMM].
Abuja.

Continue Reading

Trending

Copyright © 2024 National Update