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Interrogating Buhari through the prism of Ishaya Bamaiyi

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By Tunde Olusunle

Except for the release and launch of his controversial book, *Vindication of a General* in 2017 which accorded him some media visibility, Ishaya Rizi Bamaiyi, has maintained a very low profile over the years. For those who do not know, or who have forgotten him, Bamaiyi, a lieutenant general, was the last Chief of Army Staff, (COAS), under the rulership of Sani Abacha, Nigeria’s one time Head of State. Abacha was in office between November 1993 and June 1999. Bamaiyi spent eight years, in the aftermath of the enthronement of civil rule in 1999, in prison. He was supposedly implicated in the attempted murder of Alex Ibru, founder and publisher of *The Guardian* newspapers who also served as Minister of Internal Affairs, under Abacha.

Ibru who allowed professional independence for his newspaper stable under Abacha’s unpopular fistic rule, was shot on Falomo Bridge in Lagos early February 1996, by suspected agents of state. Principal suspect in the attempted Ibru murder case, Barnabas Jabila, known by the alias “Sergeant Rogers” a notorious hitman for the Abacha killer squad, had framed Bamaiyi for ordering the annihilation of the newspaper magnate. Bamaiyi was released from incaceration April 2008, after being discharged and acquitted of all four counts of the murder allegations. Ishaya Bamaiyi’s elder brother, Musa Bamaiyi, a famously moustachioed major general, was equally very prominent during the Abacha government. He was the dreaded Chairman of the Nation’s Drug Law Enforcement Agency, (NDLEA), in that dispensation, who kept no prisoners.

Bamaiyi’s book stoked quite some embers of discontent, especially among people who didn’t share his representation of issues in the publication. The soldier-author maintained, for instance, that he was singled out for vilification by the administration of President Olusegun Obasanjo, because he opposed Obasanjo’s succession of Abdulsalam Abubakar. Abubakar, also an army general, was enthroned head of state, following the demise of Abacha in June 1998. He handed over power to Obasanjo, a former army general and military head of state in 1999, a succession arrangement Bamaiyi claimed he opposed.

Bamaiyi contends that the public image of the military had received severe battering because of the long and controversial involvement of the institution in politics, over  time. He claims he supported the candidature of a thoroughbred civilian in the mould of an Olu Falae, a very experienced economist and technocrat who once served as Secretary to the Government of the Federation, (SGF). Falae, a banker, equally served as Minister for Finance, Budget and Planning, also under Nigeria’s former military President, Ibrahim Babangida.

Arising from his once-upon-a-time stature in the nation’s political organogram, Bamaiyi who will be 73 in September, is by right a senior citizen and an elder statesman. For the avoidance of doubt, the pyramid of authority in a military regime, privileges the Chief of Army Staff. Immediately following the President or Head of State, depending on the preference of the Commander-in-Chief, (C-in-C), in order of seniority, is the “Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters,” (CSSH). Babangida redesignated the office as “Chief of General Staff,” (CGS), in his time, a title retained by Abacha and Abdulsalam, respectively. Next to this office is that of the “Chief of Defence Staff,” (CDS), who sometimes doubled as “Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff,” (CJCS), a nomenclature borrowed from the United States military.

Following this position, is the COAS, who is the most senior of the group of Service Chiefs, including those heading the navy and the airforce. But the COAS, in a way, towered even above the CDS. Avid followers of Nigeria’s political history will recall the weight of authority and power wielded by iconic army chiefs of staff, like Theophilus Yakubu Danjuma, Alani Akinrinade and Samuel Victor Leonard Malu. Apart from commanding the military service with the largest number of troops, the soldiers reported directly to the COAS, from the level of the platoon, to that of the division, and so on. The COAS, therefore could be nominally Number Four in the hierarchy of a military government, but in reality, be the Number Two, only next to the C-in-C. Bamaiyi is rarely heard in the marketplace of public engagement, but he remains a respectable voice in the sociopolitics of the country.

I came across a recent interview granted by Bamaiyi and conducted by Thecla Wilkie, for the Nigerian Television Authority, (NTA). I’m occasionally impatient watching long, dragging interviews, I must confess. I have, however, been recently delighted and enriched, staying through those of some of Nigeria’s military greats, including Malu and his exploits in Liberia and Sierra Leone. The Bamaiyi interview covers his early years; desired profession; odyssey in the army; ascendancy through the rungs of the military pyramid; tenure as COAS and relationship with Abacha, among others.

Instructively, Bamaiyi contends that Abacha “never cared about anybody’s religion… Until his death, all his service chiefs were Christians. He worked with people who could do the job for him, whose assurances he could take at the surface level.” Bamaiyi equally spoke of his concerns about national security, particularly at the onset of the *Boko Haram* insurgency in the North East of the country, midway through the administration of former President Goodluck Jonathan. I indeed enjoyed my self-imposed task of transcribing parts of the dialogue, something I’ve not done in a while.

The former military chief recalls that he put a call through to Jonathan’s aide-de-camp, (ADC), Ojogbane Adegbe, (who was then a lieutenant colonel but is now a brigadier general), who expedited the meeting with the former President. Bamaiyi applauded Jonathan’s warmth and humility, for a man who was the leader of Africa’s largest country. He expressed his worries about the prosecution of the battle against terrorism which was restricted to the North East, at the time. Rather than abating, the insurgency was spreading.

Jonathan, Bamaiyi observed, shared similar concerns about the military operations in the area, noting that his government’s fiscal provisions for the armed forces, were not justified by the performance of the military on the frontlines. Bamaiyi, who still wears the scar of a bullet shot on his left knee from the 1967 to 1970 Nigerian civil war, stopped short of telling Jonathan he was evidently being fleeced by his service chiefs and their accomplices.

With the nationwide spread of insecurity vis-a-vis re-vigoured terrorism, banditry, kidnapping, killings and bloodletting, under the Muhammadu Buhari government, a concerned Bamaiyi wrote to request an appointment to see the President. His words: “I wrote to General Buhari at the beginning of the Fulani herdsmen clashes with farmers. I had a relationship with him and I thought I could offer some assistance. I was Commanding Officer, (CO) in Keffi, with responsibility for the security of the upcoming federal capital, Abuja, when he was Head of State.

I wrote that I wanted to see him. The letter was delivered. I was told by telephone that my letter had been received and I will be scheduled to see him in two days. On the day I was to meet him, somebody called me and said my appointment had been put off. He said to me in Hausa, that some people who sighted my correspondence in the State House system, said *I will stop water from running or flowing,* should they allow me to see the President.” I understood what they meant and I kept quiet. And I never, ever applied again to see him.”

Bamaiyi, who holds the second highest national honour, Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger, (GCON) which is primarily reserved for Vice Presidents and Presidents of the Senate, continued: “Many of us are concerned about goings on in the country. Unfortunately, your experience in these matters cannot reach the person who should know when access to him is blocked. At my age and level, I cannot be transmitting critical information meant for the ears of the President, through proxies. You can be misconstrued, you can be nailed, just the way I was thrown into prison for eight years.”

Wilkie, Bamaiyi’s interviewer, pressed to find out what he thought was wrong in the communication chain to the President and what Buhari needs to do. “Get the truth,” he said. “Get the proper intelligence reports from all the security agencies.” Bamaiyi senses that something may be genuinely and gravely wrong with the President. His words: “To me, the Buhari I know, except something has gone wrong, is not the kind of person that will tolerate or keep quiet in the face of all that is happening. The truth is that so much is being concealed from the President. And there must be a way for him to know the truth about what is happening in the country.” The former top centurion proceeds: “I am not sure that General Buhari is regularly and properly briefed. That is my own assessment. And unless that is done, the sycophants around him will continue to mislead him.”

Alluding to the governance model of his former boss, Abacha, Bamaiyi said. “Abacha was ahead of all of us with up-to-date intelligence gathering. By the time you go to him to give him what you consider privileged or first hand information, he will just look at you and smile. He would have gotten that same report, the correct one before your arrival. And whether you like it or not, as far as I’m concerned, Abacha did well in security and economic management of this country. Nobody can deny that even if you don’t like him.”

If you’ve ever been disturbed by sociopolitical developments in Nigeria under the incumbent administration, if you’ve been worried about your country as an irredeemably sinking ship, Bamaiyi seems to have provided a crucial lead. The President, it would seem, has wilfully surrendered himself to complete encirclement by grovelling praise singers, *“yes Sir-ring”* hangers-on,  boot-licking louts and squirming laggards. I deploy the expression about “wilful surrender,” advisedly, by  the way. The President always had the option of being more proactive, more pushful, more dynamic, rather than recline into the uncanny inertia, indulgence, indolence and inefficaciousness which has characterised his style in nearly eight years.

It looks like everything gets done for him, with minimal mental perspiration by him. His comments in the “visitor’s book” on the occasion of his inspection tour of Dangote Refinery, Lagos, were very evidently written out for him, while he simply appended his signature, using the same green ink. You don’t need a forensic expert to spot that. And it does look like the television sets in his office and residence, are permanently calibrated to feature principally his official events, before switching automatically to *Telemundo* and similar soaps. That is the level of sickening pampering which our grandpa President avails himself.

In a very, very rare demonstration of responsiveness, albeit tepid and lack lustre, Buhari visited the Kuje Correctional Centre early July, after it was attacked by insurgents, who freed hundreds of inmates. On that occasion, he asked a self-indicting question about the possible absence, or failure of intelligence, wondering why preemptive measures were not taken by relevant departments of government. A few days after, Ahmed Idris Wase, Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives announced to parliament, that a record 44 intelligence reports were received by relevant agencies of government ahead of the Kuje saga. The intelligence leads were jettisoned in the continuing acquisitive rat race by schedule officials and agencies. President Buhari, the C-in-C, on whose table the buck stops therefore, is personally culpable if all these briefs passed through his desk without being acted upon.

The entire country is a sprawling pool of crimson blood, no thanks to the cold-blooded exploits of sundry sadists and sauntering savages of various hues and colours. The Islamic State of West Africa, (ISWAP), the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, (ISIS), as well as rampaging bandits, kidnappers, gunmen, make up the list of non-state actors ravaging the land. They are in the deathly enterprise of mauling and maiming Nigerians, inflicting pain, anxiety, anger and anguish on our people. Hundreds of billions of naira, hundreds of millions of dollars are regularly voted and released for the military without commensurate, nay salutary results.

Insecurity has become a big, booming, bustling industry for the security establishment, whose top brass in many instances, have reportedly transformed into spontaneous multibillionaires, at our collective expense. I once heard about two service chiefs from the insurgency-ravaged North East, being supposedly locked in a contest for the bragging rights about who was the richer, all from the insurgency scamming. They are the ones who will stop at nothing to ensure that nobody, absolutely nobody, *stops the water from flowing,* to return to Bamaiyi’s narrative. And the President hangs in there, seemingly unperturbed.

Kaduna State governor, Nasir El Rufai attests to Buhari’s characteristic insularity when he said recently that the President was not aware of a threat to kidnap him, by some faceless terrorists. It seemed a joke, but now we can relate to the President being cocooned in a fantasy island where all is well and seemingly blissful with his constituents, which explains why he is never aware of anything. It is for this same delusion that he repeatedly boasts he will leave Nigeria better than he met it. *The Guardian on Sunday* of July 31, 2022, aligns with the President’s emblematic aloofness even when the nation is on fire.

I almost forgot to allude to the musical performance of the Nigerian-born international artiste, *Asa,* at a recent event in the State House, with the President in attendance. On that occasion, she sang one of her hit songs, “Fire on the mountain,” in direct reference to the state of anomie in the country, which has not been matched by requisite concern and urgency, by the leadership. Back to the Sunday July 31 edition of *The Guardian.* It had a dominant photograph of the President in the comfort of his living room, sitting all alone and picking his teeth, on its front page. He seemed totally oblivious of the all-consuming fire on the nation’s streets!

Can Buhari minimally, just symbolically redeem himself in the remaining 10 months of his rulership so that history will find columns of positives in his overall performance evaluation report? We may yet cut him some slack, if only he can return the security of our country, to the period preceding his ascendancy in 2015, where the home was not a house of horror, where the road was not a nightmare of a killing field. We’d pick up our lives therefrom and move on.

Olusunle, PhD, poet, journalist, author and scholar, is a Member of the Nigerian Guild of Editors, (NGE).

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Opinion

How Governor Ododo stole the show at Edo APC Governorship campaign Mega Rally

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By Ismaila Isah

The tempo of activities leading to the governorship election holding September 21, 2024 reached a crescendo last weekend when the Kogi State Governor, Ahmed Usman Ododo, in company of other APC governors and leaders were in Edo state to campaign for the party’s candidate, Senator Monday Okpebholo.
It was a homecoming for Governor Ododo whose first port of call wasIgarra in Akoko-Edo Local Government area of Edo state. The Igarra shares cultural and linguistic affinity with Ebira. Their language is a dialect of Ebira with a lot in common with the Ebiras in Kogi, Nasarawa, the FCT, Ondo, Ekiti and other states with high population of Ebira speakers and settlers.

The people also turned out in large numbers to support and join hands with their “son-governor” from another mother in last-minute campaign to win the hearts of Igarra and Edo people in general and to drum support for the APC candidate, Senator Okpebholo.

After successfully leading the youth rally in Igarra, headquarters of Akoko-Edo on Friday, Governor Ahmed Usman Ododo proceeded to Benin City, the Edo state capital where he was seen receiving other governors and party leaders ahead of the APC mega rally held at the University of Benin Sports Complex in Ugbowo.

Governor Ododo was the cynosure of all eyes as many party leaders including APC governors were seen consulting with him as the director of youth mobilization for the Edo State Edo APC Governorship Campaign Council.

He stayed awake through the night on Friday till early Saturday morning addressing different groups who thronged his base at the GRA in Benin City to consult with him on strategic direction for effective mobilization for the mega rally and grand finale of the Edo APC Governorship election campaign.

The Kogi State Governor was well supported by his brother and the Edo state Deputy Governor, Mr Philip Shaibu who hosted the Governor and his entourage and ensured that the Governor and members of his team enjoyed the comfort and hospitality of Edo state throughout the stay.

Governor Ododo who was at the Benin airport to receive Vice President Kashim Shettima who was the special guest at the mega rally also accompanied the Vice President to the palace of the Oba of Benin, His Royal Majesty Omo N’Oba N’Edo Uku Akpolokpolo Ewuare II.

The Kogi State Governor received commendation from Vice President Kashim Shettima, the APC National Chairman, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, other governors and members of the National Working Committee of the party who were impressed by the level of mobilization of youth for the mega rally which is largely atttibuted to Governor Ododo’s ground work which went on for weeks before the mega rally.

With stops, meet and greet in different communities in Etsako, Owan and Oredo where he interfaced with non-indigenous communities like Igbo traders and Kogi state indigenes in Edo state, Governor Ododo’s message for them to support the APC and its Governorship candidate was loud, clear and persuasive.

From Lampese, Igarra, Auchi through Afuze to Benin City, Governor Ododo’s presence was electric and his impact was felt throughout Edo State as he went with his team to mobilize support for the APC Governorship candidate Senator Monday Okpebholo.

The Ododo story in the 2024 Edo Governorship election which will be complete on Saturday the 21st of September is that of courageous and energetic young Governor who is following the footsteps of his boss and predecessor, Governor Yahaya Bello in unequivocal and absolute loyalty to the APC irrespective of the terrain, the personality of the candidate and the burden of staying true and committed to the success of the political party that has redefined partisan politics in Nigeria’s history.

With the statistics and predictions in favour of the APC, there is hope that Senator Monday Okpebholo will be victorious at the polls and become the next Governor of Edo state.

Isah is the Special Adviser on Media to the Kogi State Governor

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Edo 2024: Betsy Obaseki’s broadside and Adams Oshiomohle’s bombshell

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By Ehichioya Ezomon

The 1967 hit song, “The First Cut Is the Deepest,” written by British singer-songwriter, Cat Stevens, may not be related to the discourse hereunder, but it’s a strong advice to humans, to bridle their tongues – as the Apostles admonish in James 3:8-9 – against censoriousness, and reproving others with a magisterial air, as true wisdom comes only from above.
“The First Cut Is the Deepest” was originally released in April 1967 by P. P. Arnold – an American soul singer, born Patricia Ann Cole, on October 3, 1946, in Los Angeles, California – who relocated in 1966 to London, the United Kingdom, to pursue a solo career, and enjoyed considerable success with the single, which also became a hit by Rod Stewart in his seventh album, “A Night On The Town,” released in 1976.) 
In the past week, all eyes and mouths have been on former Edo State Governor Adams Oshiomhole, even as social media remains agog – albeit slantily –  over the Senator’s attack on Governor Godwin Obaseki and First Lady Betsy Obaseki, over their childlessness – a very sensitive and no-go-area issue in our cultural, traditional and religious settings. 
Yet, the judgmental critics have made the Oshiomhole tactless attack – that touches the underbelly of the Obasekis – to appear as out of the blue, whereas it’s a riposte to Mrs Obaseki’s equally graceless reminder of the Edo people – especially the women – that only the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) candidate, Dr Asue Ighodalo, has a wife among the candidates vying to succeed her husband from the September 21, 2024, governorship election that’s 12 days away.
Below is Mrs Obaseki’s unprompted remarks at a PDP campaign rally in Benin City: 
“Among the candidates wey dey contest election, na only one get wife. And na our own party candidate, Asue Ighodalo, na only him get wife. Na him wife bi dis” (as she raised Mrs Ighodalo’s right hand, to the cheers of the rallygoers). 
“Women for Edo, make una know sey na only one candidate get wifeooo” (Mrs Obaseki added, as she pulled her left ear, as a sign of warning to the female voters). 
What’s Mrs Obaseki’s motive(s) for dragging marital matters into the campaigns when there’re myriad issues of alleged poor performance in Mrs Obaseki’s husband’s eight-year governance, in which Mr Ighodalo’s the Economic Adviser?
Was it to change the opposition narratives on the subpar outing of Governor Obaseki; score political points for Ighodalo and the PDP; a dig at the other candidates, who, perhaps, have no wives to act as “First Lady” should they win the September 21 poll; or throw herself and family into the mix, to curry sympathy for themselves and votes for Ighodalo, and disparagement and denial of votes for the “wifeless” candidates? 
On the basis of the law of reciprocity, one would be tempted to say good riddance to bad rubbish, as what’s sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander: Considering that it’s Mrs Obaseki, who prompted the “familial controversy” at a campaign rally, which Oshiomhole – a non-candidate at the election –uncouscionably jumped in to respond to. 
Now a case of “Two wrongs don’t make a right,” Oshiomhole’s likely unsolicited intervention on behalf of the candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Senator Monday Okpebholo (APC, Edo Central) – whose campaign council Oshiomhole chairs – has several contextual proverbs. 
The axioms include: 1) Without pulling the trigger, the gun will not fire. 2) Actions speak louder than words. 3) Familiarity breeds contempt. 4) People who live in glass houses should not throw stones. 5) The farting of the rich smells sweet, that of the poor fouls the air. 6) Someone who knows how their anus is should learn to sit properly. 7) First take the log out of your own eye, and then you will see clearly to take the speck out of your brother’s eye. (Matt 7:5) 8) Do unto others as you would have them do unto you. (Matt 7:12) 9) If you point one finger, there are three more pointing back at you. 10) The bird whose feathers are used for sacrifice moves about stealthily. 
Some or all of these sayings fit into Oshiomhole and Mrs Obaseki’s dockets, but only Oshiomhole (APC, Edo North) ultimately opens himself up to vitriol and odium. Because – short of scientific attempts to challenge nature – childbearing is a gift and a miracle from God, the Creator. So, no one – no matter the circumstance – plays God over an issue they’ve no knowledge and power to determine. 
Let’s look at a post on the WhatsApp page of PAN EDO POLITICAL FORUM – which may not be altruistic but politically-motivated – to gauge the public angst over Oshiomhole’s attack on the Obasekis. The anonymous post, entitled, “What All Truthful Pastors Should Preach This Sunday Until It Reaches All,” reads: 
“Words can be weapons, and Adams Oshiomhole’s recent jabs at Governor Obaseki and his wife have left many Nigerians in shock and dismay. Mocking someone’s childlessness is a hurtful and personal attack that crosses the boundaries of decent political discourse.
“Imagine the pain and anguish that comes with longing for a child, only to be met with ridicule and scorn. The Obasekis have shown remarkable strength and resilience in the face of this adversity, but Oshiomhole’s comments have reopened old wounds and caused fresh hurt.
“Let us rally around the Obasekis and show them that we stand with them in solidarity and support. Let us reject the politics of personal attacks and embrace empathy and compassion.
“Childlessness is a sensitive issue that affects many families, and we must approach it with kindness and understanding. Let us create a society where people can share their struggles without fear of judgment or mockery.
“Oshiomhole’s comments may have been meant to score political points, but they have ultimately revealed his own character and exposed the dark underbelly of our political culture. Let us rise above this and choose a higher path – one of love, empathy, and respect for all.
“Furthermore, Oshiomhole’s behaviour falls short of the standards expected of a public figure, and his actions are a disservice to the people of Edo State and Nigeria as a whole. His comments are not only unbecoming of a leader but also contradict the values of our cultural heritage.
“In the Benin Kingdom, where Oshiomhole hails from, respect for elders and dignity for all individuals are deeply ingrained traditions. His utterances have brought shame to his people and tarnished the image of the kingdom.
“Let us reject Oshiomhole’s divisive and hurtful rhetoric and instead embrace a culture of empathy, kindness, and respect. We must hold our leaders accountable for their words and actions, and demand better from those who seek to represent us.”
The foregoing is a mild version of what concerned members of the public have written about and against Oshiomhole, whose public utterances – time and again – have tended to be unguarded and out of step and control, like a loose cannon. It’s time he checked his exuberance, and act as a Statesman!
That said, Oshiomhole appears unfairly treated by the same public that wears Mrs Obaseki the toga of victimhood! Why should the critics be one-sided? Why don’t they also censure Mrs Obaseki, who pulled the trigger first by mocking other candidates – who’ve no wives – in the September 21 governorship election? 
While there’re pressing issues of governance to highlight at every stop on the campaign trail, Mrs Obaseki off-handedly threw “familial matter” into the political arena. Thus, as we blame Oshiomhole for unwarrantedly responding in kind – especially as he’s not a candidate in the election – Mrs Obaseki should also be held responsible for unnecessarily teasing the “unwived” candidates!
In the interim – as if Mrs Obaseki’s allusion to candidates with no wives was specifically targeted at Okpebholo – there’ve been calls from broadcast talking heads and pundits, and women groups for Okpebholo to introduce to the public his wife, who, they argue, should join in the campaigns to elect her husband on September 21 – citing, as an example, Mrs Ifeyinwa Ighodalo, who joins her husband’s campaign train and/or does separate stomps on his behalf.
Still, having a wife isn’t a requirement for the Office of Governor – and other elective positions of a Member of the Senate; a Member of the House of Representatives; a Member of the State House of Assembly; the President and Vice President; and the Deputy Governor – as spelt out in Sections 65, 106, 131, and 177 of the amended 1999 Constitution of Nigeria. 
To qualify for any of those elective positions, a candidate must certify that: (a) he is a citizen of Nigeria by birth; (b) he has attained the age of 35, 30, 30, 40 and 35 (applicable to each office in that order); (c) he is a member of a political party and is sponsored by that political party; and (d) he has been educated to at least School Certificate level or its equivalent. 
Clearly, there’s no provision of the 1999 Constitution requiring a candidate to have a wife before they can vie for the governorship. It’s an extraneous matter injected into the campaigns by Mrs Obaseki for political optics, to puncture the enthusiasm and momentum in Mr Ighodalo’s opposing camps.
So, going by the 1967 hit song, “The First Cut Is The Deepest,” shouldn’t Mrs Obaseki’s “polemic” on candidates, who’ve no wives, be ranked as the deepest cut – or at least placed on equal pedestal with Comrade Oshiomhole’s  “thunderbolt” on the Obasekis childlessness – for attempting to throw an already tensed Edo politics into a tailspin, which, indeed, she’s succeeded in doing? Let’s not bury the truth in emotion or partisanship!

Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria

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Opinion

APC Must Probe Zazzaga And Other Moles Within

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Abdullahi Sule

By Dr Kassim Muh’d Kassim

The recent attack on Nasarawa State Governor, Engineer Abdullahi Sule by one Alhaji Saleh Zazzaga a self acclaimed chairman of a faceless group, which referred to itself as “North Central All Progressives Congress (APC) Forum”, for visiting the National Chairman of APC, Abdullahi Ganduje, was in bad taste.
In a purported interview credited to him, Zazzaga made a so-called call for an apology from the governor. The said Zazzaga “condemned” Governor Sule, who is the Chairman of the APC North Central Governors’ Forum for “endorsing” the party’s national chiarman.
In the apparently sponsored outing syndicated in selected national newspapers, Zazzaga, acting the script of his pay masters, attempted to weep up emotion and hatred against Governor Sule across the North Central by connecting the visit to the national chairmanship seat struggle and the ongoing agitation to return it back to the zone.
In his desperation and that of his sponsors, Zazzaga also unsuccessfully tried to ignite sentiment in Governor Sule’s home state by pitching him against notable figure like the former National Chairman of our dear party and a father of the state, Senator Abdullahi Adamu and others, even as he veered off the track by bringing the issue of performance into the fray.
Now, how does a visit to the national secretariat of our great party amounted to an endorsement of a man who is already occupying the seat?
What motive does Zazzaga have for quoting Governor Sule out of contest? How does Governor Sule’s speech to the effect that: “I am here also to pay my respect to a man that deserves respect. To our National Chairman, Dr Ganduje. He deserves respect and deserves all the cooperation, especially at a time like this. In the next couple of weeks, we have an election in Edo, so the man does not need to be distracted in any other way so that we can go and win our election in Edo, and that is one of the reasons why I came to encourage him to be focused,’ translated to an endorsement?
But unknown to Zazzaga and his sponsors, Governor Sule was at the national secretariate of the party on a special invitation, as chairman of North Central Governor’s forum to find a solution to resolve the APC crisis in one of the state from the zone, “Benue state ” and he mentioned the elections in Edo because he is the publicity committee chairman for the party’s national campaign in Edo governorship election.
Now, let’s analyze the above statement by Governor Sule based on its content. If he called on stakeholders to rally behind Ganduje to enable the national chairman deliver Edo and Ondo for the party in the forthcoming governorship election in those states, why should someone who has the love of the party in his heart crucified him for that?
It is public knowledge that the governorship election for Edo State was slated for September 21 while that of Ondo is coming up on November 16. If the party’s stakeholders don’t put their houses in order and act collectively now how will it hope to win those states?
From all indications those faulting Governor Sule for calling for the stakeholders’ unity at this crucial time when the polls for the two strategic states are at hand do not mean well for the party and want it to lose. That is why it is imperative to initiate a probe to unmasked those using Zazzaga to further distablise the party because of their parochial interest. I don’t think Zazzaga is from Plateau State because if people like Zazzaga exist yet, we lost Plateau to opposition.
Come to think of it, who is Zazzaga within the party hierarchy to launch such attacks on the person and personality of the Chairman of the North Central Governors’Forum and key stakeholder of the party.
It must be stated here that the offensive against Governor Sule is an assault on the office of the North Central Governors Forum and an attempt to ridicule the party before the public.
But I’m challenging Zazzaga and his desperate sponsors to come to the NEC meeting of the party on the 11th of September to move a motion for the removal of Ganduje if they are serious about their agitation to have Ganduje removed from office, else their affront on Governor Sule deserves a decisive action against the perpetrators.
In it is surprising that despite his make-believe standing as stakeholder of the party in the North Central, Zazzaga is not even abreast with the transformation going in Nasarawa State under Governor Sule.
In his blind hatred and desperation to do the bidding of his pay masters, he failed to or probably ignored the need to do his research well before going public with his falsehood about the state of governance in the Home of Solid Mineral.
Even if he couldn’t take his time to visit the state for a firsthand information about the massive development going on in Nasarawa State, one would have think that as someone who is enlightened, Zazzaga should at listen to news and read the newspapers about what is happening in Nasarawa under Governor Sule.
If anything, the transformation in the solid mineral subsector courtesy of Governor Sule’s insight and resourcefulness, which has endeared the state and the governor to the presidency, should not have escaped Zazzaga ‘s attention. But he chooses to turn blind eyes and rather brook the disdain from the public over his misinformation regarding the situation in Nasarawa.
The state is now exposed to investors and development courtesy of Governor Sule. No one insults Governor Sule and goes free without being challenged by that community for his development strides across the state.
Dr Kassim Muh’d Kassim is the Special Adviser on Political Affairs to the Nasarawa State Governor, Engineer Abdullahi Sule.

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