Opinion
The jurisprudence of zoning or rotational governance, by Chimezie Nwodo
Law, incidentally, does not enjoy a universal acceptance in terms of definitions. There are points of convergence as there are points which presuppose definitional parallelism. The absence of this universality in definition, when juxtaposed with other disciplines known to mankind, clearly underscores the uniqueness of law as a discipline. As such, any definition of law proffered will definitely lay bare the dictates of which school of thought which the proponent of such definition adheres to. This treatise, purposively, is not an attempt to offer lectures on Jurisprudence; as such, the urge to further elucidate on the theories of law will therefore be consciously avoided. Yet, it is imperative to mention that currently, laws which proceed from the people are favoured against laws which proceed from the Leviathan since law ought to be ‘people-oriented’. By so doing, the logic of force is obviated and the force of logic entrenched and enforced.
The attempt to constantly ensure that there is a viable atmosphere for the entrenchment of the force of logic in the affairs of a people or groups of peoples crystallized in democracy (or republicanism) as a system of governance. In this type of political arrangement, ‘people-oriented’ laws are ensured or at least, expected. It was in view of this that the extant constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, its innumerable amendments notwithstanding, had in the past and currently pilloried as ‘not autochthonous’.
It is unarguable; the fact that some norms that guide a particular society, especially those borne out of prolonged usage and acceptance, largely remain unwritten, uncodified and unlegislated upon, thus depriving them of the force of law. Yet, it does not in any manner reduce the conscious obeisance accorded to them by the majority of the populace. For instance, in the South of Nigeria, it is not illegal for someone to have carnal knowledge of the spouse of another, as long as it is lawful. But in the North of Nigeria where the Penal Code is operative, adultery has been legislated into an offence for which one, if proven guilty, can be penalized. Thus, in the South of Nigeria, no one can be penalized for adultery (which is in the realm of moral wrong); it is only expected that one should not engage in such moral wrong.
In these years leading to the 2023 general elections in Nigeria, zoning or rotational governance has once again taken the front burner in national (political) debates. Some persons have even, in a seeming feat of prophesy, suggested that the adherence to zoning or the lack therefore will determine the automatic survival or decimation of the Nigerian Republic – and even if the non-adherence to zoning does not immediately initiate the death of Nigeria, it would at least activate her winding-up proceedings. It is therefore deviously impish, to say the least, to even slightly suggest that a topic which dominates national discourse should be suppressed locally. In my very humble opinion, the foremost concern ought to be, as recently suggested by Nnamdi Nwokedi, to ensure that those who will be fielded from the desired zone be people who would not be overwhelmed by or averse to the art and demand of modern governance as I have also suggested elsewhere.
If we all agree that law is a set of rules or norms which guide a society, either borne of custom, collective habit or long usage, then the idea or practice of ‘zoning or rotational governance’, as unwritten, unlegislated and uncodified as it remains, is by every means, a law. It will be utterly puerile to argue otherwise. We have to bear in mind that the six geo-political zones which Nigeria has been partitioned into is not a product of any written law but an extra-legal policy adopted to make the management of a rather unwieldy polity easier.
Agaptus Nwozor submitted, and rightly so, that “the absence of an authoritative constitutional beacon as a guide for what constitutes Nigerian political zones does not invalidate their usefulness as essential categories.” Asides the whitepaper submitted to the General Sani Abacha administration following what was known as the 1994 constitutional conference, the only official document wherein zoning was adopted is the constitution of the Peoples Democratic Party in its Article 7(2)(c). According to Nwozor (supra), “the PDP constitution not only recognized the imperative of zoning and rotation as irreducible requirements for engendering feelings of inclusiveness and belonging, it also implied an order of rotation in 1999. Therefore, contrary to arguments that there was no order or sequence of rotation, there was indeed an inferable order evident within the restrictions imposed by the PDP in 1999: it closed its doors to northern presidential aspirants and only considered presidential aspirants from the south-east, south-south and south-west. The late Alhaji Abubakar Rimi, a North-Easterner, who defied the zoning and rotation principle to purchase the presidential nomination form, was refunded his nomination fee and was forbidden from contesting. This indicates that the PDP operated its zoning and rotation principle not as a tabula rasa, but as recognizing the realities of northern domination of the presidency since 1960.” What is more? The provisions of section 14 (3) and (4) and such similar provisions found in the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended) if given a wider interpretation, will accommodate and support the idea of zoning as they have given the principles of fairness, equity and inclusion a legislative imprimatur.
If one is to draw an analogy from the Rimi instance above, then the argument that zoning never existed in Enugu State as some aspirants had stood for elections in spite of the touted existence of zoning will fall flat on its face. In the circumstance, that argument will be weightless, the deliberate violation of the zoning norm, which in my most humble opinion is borne out of a needless exhibitionism, notwithstanding. As a matter of fact, there will never be an end to people’s choice to stand on the opposite side of the law – and as always, there shall be consequence. In Enugu State, Chief Hyde Onuaguluchi, Chief Gbazuagu Nweke Gbazuagu, Fidel Ayogu, Okey Ezea, etc, were at some time in history, beneficiaries of the consequence of such stiff neck violation of what has become the norm. More than any other (PDP) State in Nigeria, it seems that Enugu State has over the years fine-tuned or perfected the zoning policy. It is worthy of note that in from 2007 till date, no person from Enugu East Senatorial District of the State has contested to be elected the Governor of Enugu State.
Recently too – and thankfully so – following the poor outing of the PDP in the 2015 general elections, a committee was set up by the party for the purpose of ‘self-examination’. That Committee was headed by Distinguished Senator Ike Ekweremmadu. After various sessions of introspection, the Committee held as follows: “Since the last president of PDP extraction came from the southern part of Nigeria, it is recommended that PDP’s presidential candidate in 2019 general election should come from the northern part of the country in accordance with the popular views expressed in the submissions to the committee.” The Ekweremmadu-Committee further held thus: “the zoning principle, which has been the strength of the party, should be strictly adhered to as a matter of urgency at all levels!” The resolution of the Committee is clear and unambiguous and as such, the meaning is not farfetched.
In view of the above, the treaties submitted on this issue by Austin Okolie, with respect, is quite pedestrian, to say the least; and instead of smoothening the path of the distinguished Senator, as intended, has only succeeded in making it rugged and in turn, branding him as opportunistic and desperate. The culture of the PDP, evident in their constitution and most recently, the recommendation of the Ekweremmadu-Committee as also highlighted in the essay of Ezenwa Okenwa, are hard, stubborn facts which, in my very humble view, have placed the distinguished Senator and his camp between a rock and a hard place as far as the issue of zoning is concerned. It would be a herculean task extricating themselves therefrom without bruises – that is, if the attempt does not end in abysmal failure.
In alliance with the submissions of Dr. Dons Eze, I will quickly add that the principle of zoning or rotational governance, as far as Enugu State is concerned, will effortlessly find its roots in Historical and Anthropological Jurisprudence, particularly, the ‘Volksgeist’ theory which emphasizes that “all law originated in custom”. The History of the zoning arrangement in Enugu State has variously been stated and analyzed; particularly the feeling that eventually led to Dr. Okwesilieze Nwodo, a political neophyte at the time, being the pioneer Governor of Enugu State – a choice made in vehement opposition to other known names that could have easily scooped the coveted mantle. The urge to go into that history is herein jettisoned and dismissed as needless.
According to Lloyd, “law is not an abstract set of rules simply imposed on society, but is an integral part of that society, having deep roots in the social and economic habits and attitudes of its past and present members”. Thus, if we are to abide by the dictates of reason, there should be no ruckus about zoning or rotational governance in Enugu State. Pray, tell, which section of our constitution made it mandatory that a President from the North of the country should be paired with a Vice-President from the South- and that a Northern Muslim President ought to have as running mate, a Christian from the South- and vice versa. Pray, tell again, where it was written that the Governor of Enugu State should be paired with a Deputy Governor from a different zone in the State as we have had in the Governor Nnamani administration, Governor Chime administration and currently Governor Ugwuanyi administration. Yet, we have so religiously adhered to that unlegislated norm. And when, for any reason, a departure from that norm is perceived, we go to town, bearing incendiary criticisms. In Enugu State, as a matter of fact, not only is the Deputy Governor produced from another zone other than that of the Governor; the Speaker of the State Legislature is produced from the third zone to complete the tripodal sharing of the three most important political offices in the State. In an immature political structure as the one we presently have, it is never in the interest of the State to create dangerous precedents as those who chant the anti-zoning mantra have undertaken – by going about putting spanners in the works of peaceful co-existence.
If Governor Chimaroke Nnamani is clannish as some people mischievously label him, he would have leveraged on the paraphernalia of State power, the followership he commanded, shunned egalitarianism and ensured that he was succeeded by another Governor from his senatorial district. Yet, he chose His Excellency, Mr. Sullivan Chime who is from a different senatorial district to succeed him. If His Excellency, Mr. Sullivan Chime had succumbed to primordial leanings, as some persons counseled and urged him to, the current administration of His Excellency, Dr. Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi would only exist in limbo. Now, His Excellency, Dr. Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi, the amiable Governor of Enugu State, being forthright, in obeisance to the dictates of good reasoning and judgment, towing the path of wisdom, like his predecessors, deemed it expedient to pursue the cause of fairness, equity and unity has given a nod to the continued prevalence of the will of the people which runs through the contemporary history of governance in Enugu State. There is no justification, for statesmen and citizens alike, except those with a penchant for disunity, disharmony and chaos, not to queue behind him, marching towards the direction of probity in which he leads. In a society such as ours, blighted by political immaturity, the pros of rotational governance easily outweighs its cons – and any stance against same will metamorphose into an affront on the volkgeist; the will of the people.
Beyond any thirst for diatribes, no statesman worth that name, especially one currently under the umbrella of the PDP, knowing the position of the party on zoning and arrangements set out thereto, should wantonly truncate, or stand parallel to, the will of the people in that regard.
Chimezie Ogenna Nwodo, Esq., a legal practitioner, writes from Abuja.
By Hamza Lamisi
No doubt that one of the expected big game Changers of the 10th National Assembly, particularly the Senate, is the emergence of a vocal voice who ran one of the country’s most persecuted election campaigns in Nigeria’s history. From the feminine gender in a male dominated political ecosystem to being transracial in a highly conservative District; a Christian in Muslim-saturated bargain table of stakeholders, from being single to inter-tribally married in a natively and culturally republic Ebira Land. Not only to contest in a struggling opposition party but to face the most ruthless Chief Security Officer of her State, from her District.
The odds were obviously too many but Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan upturned the guess – defeating the threatening ruling party and emerging the first female Senator Kogi State ever produced. She defined the turning point of Kogi Central’s representation in Nigeria’s bicameral Parliament. Unlike her colleagues from Kogi State who rode on the backing of the number one citizen of the State, Senator Natasha’s road to the red Chambers was never paved, it was a tough and rough journey of determination, persistence, unwavering dedication and commitment to a dream held in trust for the people.
She walked through the storms and she is shaped by the lessons – to remain bold, assertive, unbroken, unbeaten and unbowed by any circumstance, because only by struggle and perseverance freedom comes. Not unaware of the systemic dialogue, lobby and collaboration but Senator Natasha would not do so at the expense or in exchange of the People’s trust and mandate for which she swore oath to protect.
Stepping into the Senate as a survivor of election and litigation battles, and looking back to the unwavering support and uncommon trust of Kogi people and Nigerians by extension, notwithstanding already some months behind her fellow law makers, Senator Natasha was prepared to have the end justify the means. Barely 16 months from the very day of her swearing-in till date, Senator Natasha’s contributions and impact in the 10th Senate have left many wonder if she was a first time Senator or one elected from the minority opposition. Most popular and best performing member of the current National Assembly.
Just within one year in office, Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan lit 30 kilometers of road networks across Kogi Central with over 2,000 solar powered streetlights. Over 1,300 women and youth were trained and empowered by the law maker. Senator Natasha has supported the tuition fee of over 353 vulnerable indigenous students at tertiary institutions nationwide. She has faciliated federal employment opportunities for various graduates and facilitate capacity building trainings and empowerment for many others.
She brought a reliable supply of portable water to Kogi Central communities with 12 water reticulation projects with each being a massive 50,000-liter solar-powered motorized water system, which serves 300 locations and provides, 1,800 fetching taps.
To draw legislation closer to the grassroot, Senator Natasha engaged 100 constituency aides both men and women across the 57 wards in Kogi Central. She has distributed 12 trucks of grains, 10, 000 wrappers for women, 20,000 notebooks, 5,000 school bags and reconstructed and remodeled Abdul Aziz Attah Memorial College Okene (AAAMCO), Okene to smart school.
Within one year in office, Senator Natasha has attracted employments in both federal agencies and private organizations to over 30 graduates from her constituency.
Ihima community has been without police station for the past 7 years, Senator Natasha embarked on total reconstruction of Ihima Police Station which was commissioned by the Inspector-General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun.
Senator Natasha distributed 4 trucks of fertilizers totalling 2,400 bags of NPK and Urea fertilizers to Kogi Central farmers. Free Business CAC registration of 2,500 SMEs. She has empowered Kogi Central students from 12 selected tertiary institutions across Nigeria with multipurpose business cart and start up fund.
Commissioned six constituency offices in the five LGAs to make government closer to the people. Senator Natasha has sponsored two motions and two bills including the bill for the establishment of Nigeria Gold Reserve, the bill for the establishment of Ihima Federal Medical Centre, motion to investigate alleged corruption and inefficiency in Ajaokuta Company Ltd and National Iron Ore Mining Company, NIOMCO amongst other.
Senator Natasha has provided 5,000 digital learning devices to both public primary and secondary schools in Kogi Central.
For her magical achievements in office and accelerated development and impact her constituency has witnessed, Senator Natasha has received and even turned down several prestigious awards. She emerged Senator of the year 2024 which is her first year in office as Senator.
Achieving these feats in less than 16 months as a first time Senator and one from the minority party and from Kogi Central, one may wonder what could be the Achilles’ Heels of Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan in the 10th Senate and why the persecution by supposed colleagues in the Chambers. Is there a question of loyalty to individual rather than institution? Is it her performance record or her dedication to the business of legislation rather than playing the cheap political cards around the leadership of the Senate? Is it her idea of universal development of Nigeria rather than regional? After all, every Senator is of the Federal Republic Nigeria and should think and act so.
We may ask further; is anyone being threatened by her uncommon pace? Is there a question of envy or jealousy among her colleagues? Do they expect Senator Natasha to be one step behind, considering the enormity of the task on her shoulders as Senator from an already underrepresented District in the past? Is there a fear that Senator Natasha may reveal to Nigerians what is due to them from their representatives across boards? We may have more to ask than provide answers.
Meanwhile, Senator Natasha is a more than equal to the task of addressing the challenges that come with standing out in an uncommon manner. She is not one to be taught the difference between ‘diplomacy and cold slavery’ or ‘breach of rules and violation of right’. Nobody can silence her or box her to a corner of the Senate. Beyond her voice and impact over the years as an ordinary citizen, the people have been her greatest strength and she can only get more strengthed by any attempt to silence her.
Nigerians know how rare it is to have a NATASHA among the current crop of leaders and they are obviously making sure she is protected against bully, intimidation or harassment in the Senate. The dream is of the people, by the people and for the people, and so the mandate too.
By Professor Mike Ozekhome, SAN, CON, OFR, LL.D.
I have carefully read and listened to former Nigerian military president, General Ibrahim
Badamosi Babagida’s public remorse and regrets over the atrocious annulment of the June
12,1993 presidential elections. He did this 32 whopping years later. I want to very quickly say
that it takes a man with strong guts and balls and a man who has become repentant, born
again and has seen the face of God to publicly recant his earlier wrongful deeds and offer
public apology to the entire nation. This was no doubt meant to heal gapinng wounds and
balm wounded and bruised hearts.
The polls, the best, most transparent and credible elections, ever held in Nigeria till date,
were meant to end decades of military d The annulment threw Nigeria into turmoil and
widespread unreast, protests, maimings and killings. This forced Babagida to “step aside”;
the enthronenent of the Enest Shonekan’s Interim Government; and the arrest and detention
of Chief Moshood Abiola, the presumed winner who later died in Aso Villa in questionable
and suspicious circumstances. Of course, General Sani Abacha who was his second in
command later sacked Shonekan in a bloodless coup. For years, IBB prevaricated on the
annulment, claiming he did it in the best national interest. But on Thursday the 21st of
February, 2025,Babangida during the presentation of his memoirs, “A journey In Service”,
pointedly regretted in the public: “I regret June 12. I accept full responsibility for the
decisions taken and June 12 happened under my watch. Mistakes, missteps happened
in quick succession. That accident of history is most regrettable. The nation is entitled
to expect my expression of regret “. And wait for it:: he acknowledged for the first time that
Abiola won the elections fair and square, trouncing his major opponent, Alhaji Bashir Tofa.
I want to salute Babagida for having the courage and humility to own up like a man; that
everything that happened during the June 12 crisis took place under him as the head of state
and the president who was also the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal
Republic of Nigeria. I salute him for acknowledging that his government which actually
organised unarguably the freest, fairest and most credible elections in the electoral history
of Nigeria when it introduced option A4 from electoral books that were hithenlrto unknown
to Nigeria or to the world. But unfortunately, regrettably like he now admits, he again turned
around to annul the same elections in a way that was most bizarre, curious and unnatural.
To me, that he has come out to open up to doing something wrong and egregious to a
bleeding nation should be appreciated. I believe that Nigerians should forgive him because
to err is human and to forgive is divine ( Eph 4:32 ). I personally have now forgiven him
because I was also a victim of the June12 crisis. It threw up all manners of challenges to me
as a person, where in my very youthful age; in my thirties, I found myself marching on the
streets of Lagos every day- from Ikeja bus stop roundabout, to Ikorodu road; up to Tejuosho
market; from there to Ojuelegba, Surulere; to Mushin; to Shomolu and Igando, Alimosho.
Everyday, we were on the streets, protesting the mindless annulment. Some of us were killed
in process; some were lucky enough to escape abroad on self exile. But some of us- very few
indeed- refused to flee our dear country; we stayed back. We stared at the military eyeball to
eyeball. We challenge authority and spoke truth to power. We challenged impunity and
repression. I suffered several detentions across different detention centres. I virtually could
not find means of livelihood for my youthful family because I was profiled, my phones bugged
and no briefs were coming in. But I personally forgive him because it takes tons of guts to
make public confession of having erred and atone for same as he has now done.
It is confession that leads to penance and penance leads to restitution and then forgiveness.
If Babagida were to die today, I believe that he will see the face of God because he has prayed
God to forgive him; and he has prayed Nigerians to forgive him. Beyond that historic and
epochal mistake of the annulment of the June 12 election which constitutes his original sin,
let me place it on record that Babagida is one of the greatest presidents that Nigeria ever had
in terms of his ingenuity, rulership mantra; ideas for national resurgimento; ideas that
contributed greatly to nation-building. These were aside the IMF-induced loans and pills
which he introduced and which we again valiantly fought against successfully.
Babagida it was who gave birth to the Federal Capital Territory and laid the solid foundation for virtually everything you see there today. His government was peopled by intellectuals and
not by half illiterates and quacks. He recognized and used intellects. He was luminous and he built bridges of understanding, friendship and brotherhood across Nigeria. Nigerians,
please, accept IBB’s confession and forgive him his sin of annuling the June 12,1993
elections. Let the wounds heal; let the heart melt; and let the spirit of national triumphalism
prevail.
Festivals world over are the most popular forms of celebrations in human existence. Whether as religious, culture, sports, film, arts and other traditional practices, festivals are pivotal events that could involve millions of people in the case of the religion related across the globe annually or periodically. They are events that bring people together and are characterized with merriments, ceremonies, and a lot of other forms of fun and bonding.
Nigeria as a multi ethnic and diverse society with over 250 ethnic groups is enriched with various forms of festivals observed annually with those of religions most prominent with the celebrations by Muslims and Christians. Similarly, the traditional worshippers retain their own forms of festivals all depending on the tribes and the culture involved. Several among the religious and cultural festivals in Nigeria include Christmas the celebration of the birthday of Jesus Christ, the Easter that heralds lent and the resurrection of Jesus after death while Islam has Eid-el Kabir and Eid El-fitri which is breaking of Ramadan fasting. At the level of culture and tradition there other festivals that comes to mind that includes Argungu fishing festival in Kebbi state, the new yam festival predominantly among the Ibo speaking tribes, Durbar festival, Calabar Carnival, Osun festival, Ojude Oba festival, Igue festival among the Benin people of Edo state, Oro festival, Osun festival, Sango festival, Egungun festival all among the Yoruba people, New Yam festival, Eyo festival popular among the people of Lagos Island in Lagos state and so on.
Durbar Festival
The word Durbar is traced to Persian and is connected with the ceremony marking the installation of Queen Victoria as the Express of Colonial India in 1877 while the word have been pronounced and propounded as “darbar” with dar meaning door and bar meaning entry or audience in Hindi-Urdu. In Nigeria, Durbar is a treasured cultural horse riding and display festival majorly among the Hausa people of the northern Nigeria to mark the Islamic holidays of Eid-el- Fitri [end of Ramadan} and Eid-el-Adha [the feast of the lamb]. The over 400 years old practice is said to have been introduced by Sarki Muhammadu Rumfa of Kano in the late 14th century as military parade and display when horses were used in battles to defend and protect the Emirate and also the opportunity to pay homage and demonstrate loyalty to the emir. It is also part of demonstration to showcase the readiness of the palace troops for battles and to also celebrate important political events. Available information has it that the first major Durbar in the country took place on the 1st of January, 1900 as part of the celebration to mark the transition of the Royal Niger Company to an imperial Protectorate.
Also known as horse ride festival it is worthy of note that horses and to some extent camels played prominent roles in the growth and developments of the today prominent Nigeria cities like Kano, Katsina, Zaria, Sokoto and Bida. In the 14th century before the sojourn of Christopher Columbus, aside being used during conquest and in battlefields under the command of the Madawaki who leads cavalry of horsemen with their horses loaded with various weapons, horses were used mostly for commercial activities particularly the trans Sahara trade expansion with items like salt, gold and farm produces.
Ceremonies
The activities and ceremonies involves “Hawan sallah” in Hausa language {meaning Mount of Eid} which in essence connotes the mounting of horse during the Eid or sallah celebration. The ceremonies begin with prayers at Eid grounds followed with parade of the Emir and his entourage on horses followed with drummers and trumpeters with the movement ending at the Emir’s palace. The parade includes hundreds of beautifully decorated horses with nobles in their best clothes followed by musicians and magicians all in a long procession in distinctive turbans {Rawani} clearly indicating their nobility and social status through streets to pay homage to the Emir. Other special attractions particularly in Kano Durbar which is acclaimed to possess the biggest parade of colouful horses in the world, include the display by the “hyena man” who carries out street performance with trained animals like hyenas and baboons which create a lot of excitements and entertainment for the hundreds of crowd in attendance.
The procession of the strictly male event showcases participants dressed in flamboyant turbans and robes with modes indicating their royal linage. Kano Durbar for example is four day event that commences with Hawan sallah on the day of Eid followed by the day 2 and most popular for its entertainment and glamour Hawan Daushe for the special visitation of the Emir and his colourful entourage to his mother in her domain. The display of various entertainers including magicians, drummers, dancers, stunt men and masquerades attract and witness the attendance and spectators across the globe. The other two days are for Hawan Nassarawa and finally Hawan Doriya which are both continuous aspects for merriment during the festival.
The Emir’s return from his mother’s visitation on the day 2 {Hawan Daushe} is followed by The Jahi that sees the him and his entourage ride through various important historical quarters and families before returning to the palace. On arrival the Emir in a military manner takes position to receive salutes and traditional greetings from the cavalry of riders along with the various district heads, their families and entourage in order of hierarchy. This is followed by the demonstration of loyalty and gallantry by all the riders and spectators present. After the homage and performances, [The Jahi] the palace guards take positions and fire several gunshots to signal the closure and end of the day and most important aspect of the four day festival.
Durbar festival has become annual festival celebrated across cities Northern Muslim dominated cities of Nigeria like Kano, Katsina, Sokoto, Zaria and Bida and was extended to Ilorin in Kwara state during Eid el-fitri and Eid El-Adha. Generally speaking, the Durbar festival is not just the most population cultural heritage of the Hausa people of the northern Nigeria and major parts of Niger republic but it is festival that unite and bring the people together to celebrate their unique historical and cultural heritage.
Durbar festival recently has witnessed more activities like car racing and other fun fairs that attract sons and daughters of Hausa decent, visitors and tourist annually to places like Kano, Katsina and Zaria. The glamour, popularity and attractions of Durbar particularly the Kano Durbar festival over the years, led to the recognition of the festival as one of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity by the UNESCO in in December 17, 2024. This laudable and significant achievement in the nation’s cultural heritage exemplified the extent to which the festival has become popular to the people and the role it places towards unifying the people through their rich cultural heritage. During the presentation of the UNESCO certificate, by the Permanent Delegation of Nigeria to UNESCO to the Minister of Art, Culture, Tourism and Creative Economy Barr. Hannatu Musawa, opined that the great achievement does “not only celebrates the beauty and unity of the festival but also creates opportunities for the preservation and promotion of cultural heritage. The country’s representative at the UNESCO in addition stated that “Having the Kano Durbar on the UNESCO list is a huge milestone for Nigeria” while the Minister in her view remarked that “the recognitions bring both international prestige and tangible benefits to the local economy”.
In comparison, while Ujude Oba yet another similar festival of the Ijebu people of Ogun state in Western Nigeria, entails the participation of both male and female across various age groups as part of the big sallah [Eid-edha] celebration of the Muslim faithful. While both festivals identify or are associated with royalty, palace events and horse riding, durbar is strictly a male show and more of an horse riding festival while the practice is just an aspect of horse riding is just an aspect of Ojude Oba festival.
It is hope that the recent drive by the present administration leverages on the recent recognition of Durbar by the UNESCO to create more awareness through wider media coverage with a view of boosting general interest and tourist attractions which shall cascade or stimulate growth of the sector and also serve as source revenue to the governments across all levels.
Abdulkareem A. Ikharo.
Curator [NCMM].
Abuja.
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