Opinion
APC’s emergency rule shenanigans in Edo
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By Ehichioya Ezomon
The December 2021 call by the All Progressives Congress (APC) for a declaration of a state of emergency in Edo State portrays the opposition party in the “Heartbeat of the Nation” as an unserious contender for control of the state in the 2024 governorship poll.
Why would APC that rode to power on the promise of obedience to the rule of law want to cure defects in the system by employing means that defy democratic tenets and commonsense?
In a 22-paragraph press conference in Benin City, the Edo chapter chairman, retired Col. David Imuse, accuses Governor Godwin Obaseki of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) of anti-democratic practice that the APC wants President Muhammadu Buhari to remedy by triggering an emergency rule in the state.
Dr Imuse says: “Edo is the only state in Nigeria today without a functional Legislature. What is happening with the 10 PDP jokers, who gather regularly at Governor Obaseki’s office, is comical. They gather to read sheets of papers, pretending to be making laws as Edo State House Assembly. We all know the true story.
“What Obaseki is practicing in Edo today is a democratic taboo. And when a taboo is allowed to exist for too long, it becomes a tradition. If this taboo is allowed to be exported to other States, it will endanger our democratic culture. Edo is in a serious trouble.
“We therefore call on the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, as a matter of urgent national importance, to declare a STATE OF EMERGENCY IN EDO so that we can truly have a proper sole administrator.”
The Edo APC needs reminded that emergency rule isn’t a tea party at the behest of politicians craving to get to power through the back door, but a constitutional matter to prevent or arrest a breakdown of law and order in parts of or in the entire country.
While call for emergency rule is a throwback to the era of misuse of federal powers to destabilize subnational entities in the First Republic and in the first eight years of the PDP administration from 1999 to 2007, President Muhammadu Buhari doesn’t seem to fancy the fiat, to solve actual or concocted problems in the states.
If it were so, a couple of PDP states with governors critical of the president and his government, and several APC and PDP states with serious security problems, would’ve had their governors and democratic institutions replaced with sole administrators.
Such states are Benue and Rivers, with Governors Samuel Ortom and Nyesom Wike as thorns in Buhari’s flesh; and Anambra, Benue, Borno, Imo, Kaduna, Katsina, Niger, Oyo, Sokoto, Taraba and Zamfara with cumulative security issues that’ve claimed thousands of lives, billions worth of property, and turned millions of Nigerians into Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in and outside Nigeria.
A state like Ondo, whose governor, Chief Rotimi Akeredolu (SAN), gave a quit notice to armed herdsmen occupying forests in the state, and terrorizing indigenous communities, would’ve had a state of emergency declared in it “for challenging federal authority.”
But the Buhari regime hasn’t lifted a finger, in the hope that a combination of factors, including persuading the states to consider incorporating outdated pastoral practices, would solve the frequent clashes between herders and farmers that’ve snowballed into unprecedented banditry and kidnapping across the country.
What’s actually APC’s case against Governor Obaseki and his government to warrant the call for an emergency rule in Edo? According to Imuse, “there are several reasons why a state of emergency has become inevitable in our beloved State.”
He lists them, as follows: Contrary to his oath of office, Obaseki can no longer secure life and property of Edo citizens. With his “clandestine” borrowing of billions of Naira, Edo has become the second most indebted state in Nigeria. He disregards the Rule of Law and court orders except those in his favour. Demolishes public and private property, including the Central Hospital, Benin City. Turns himself into a maximum ruler, by appropriating the powers of the three arms of government. Unable to protect the lives of Edo people, despite claiming to spend N2 billion on a security trust fund. Spends his second term in office playing politics, neglects governance, and fails to appoint a full cabinet. Signs or enters into MOUs, partnerships and agreements with individuals and organizations that will outlive his government, and leave behind stillborn projects. Fails to employ qualified personnel to fill thousands of vacant spaces, and wastes Edo resources in harmonizing the PDP via frivolous appointments to members. Obaseki fails to probe, and recover money stolen through a project, which benefits his company, Afrinvest, with a huge commission.
Col. Imuse notes that while Governor Obaseki claimed to have spent the last five years laying the foundation for the development of Edo State, the APC “cannot find any of such foundation stones.”
“It is in the light of the precarious situation Edo State has found itself under Governor Obaseki, which is almost akin to anarchy, that the All Progressives Congress, APC, is calling on the Federal Government to declare a state of emergency in Edo,” Imuse says.
“Our call is predicated on the fact that Mr. Obaseki would prefer to be a Sole Administrator of Edo State rather than a democratically-elected governor. With a state of emergency, his present disposition towards governance will be legitimized. He would not need a legislature, cabinet or even local government chairmen to function.
“… a state of emergency in Edo will have a multiplier effect on the various apparatus of government in such sectors like (the) civil service, health, education, and security of lives and property, among several others, which are all presently in dire need of leavening. We also believe that a state of emergency will be a proactive step to flatten the curve of bad governance the state is now suffering.”
The woes Imuse has leveled against Governor Obaseki are such that advocates of real democratic practice would frown at, and seek to challenge their perpetration through legally and morally-accepted means, such as a redress in the law courts.
But Nigeria’s amended 1999 Constitution grants Obaseki (and other governors) immunity against criminal cases, such as levied by Imuse, in the discharge of his duties as Governor of Edo State.
Yet, the APC can take out civil writs against alleged misdeeds by the government, on which the courts can award damages, and impose injunctions to prevent further breaches by the state. That’s the reasonable course, without recourse to antics that state of emergency rules have become for democratic despots.
Ahead of the 2024 governorship contest, the Edo APC should change its tactics from wanting a back-channel into the Dennis Osadebey Avenue Government House, in Benin City.
HRather, the party should deploy alleged mis-governance of the Obaseki administration to woo Edo voters to its column, and stand a chance to sing the victory song in 2024. Otherwise, the gnashing of teeth of defeat in the platform will continue. Enough of emergency rule shenanigans!
Opinion
Akpabio VS. Natasha: Political Sexism or is the Senate a Cult?
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I have worked in the National Assembly though in the Green Chambers as an aide earlier on. I have seen power games played in their rawest form. so I understand how the game is played. The National Assembly is not a debating society where lawmakers sip tea and exchange polite arguments.
It is a political war zone not for the weak but where lawmakers have been known to throw insults like free akara and rip agbadas like WWE wrestlers to assert dominance.
What happened to Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan was not an accident. It was a deliberate act of political suppression disguised as Senate procedure.
If we are being honest, Nigerian lawmakers hardly follow procedure. They shout over each other, climb chairs, and in extreme cases, physical blows settle matters faster than parliamentary rules.
In this same Senate, a senator once jumped over tables to grab the mace like an action film hero. Nobody declared him “out of order.”
So, who are we fooling?
Natasha’s real offense was not breaking Senate rules; it was speaking with the kind of confidence the system does not tolerate from women. She did not lower her voice. She did not wait for permission. She did not beg.
For that, she had to be reminded of her place.
Akpabio, who now plays the role of Senate Headmaster, was once a student of political hooliganism himself.
When he opposed Bukola Saraki’s leadership in the Senate, he disrupted, challenged, and broke every so-called “rule” to assert his position.
Nobody told him he was “out of order” when he threw his weight around. Nobody switched off his microphone when he flexed his influence.
Now, the same Akpabio wants to lecture Natasha on “respect”? Somebody help me understand this selective amnesia.
The message is clear:
Men in power can be loud and aggressive, but women must be quiet and submissive.
Women in power must not challenge the men, otherwise it’s labelled “disrespectful.”
Women in the Senate must clap, nod, and play backup singers while men take the lead.
The Senate allows men to play rough, but expects women to behave like obedient kitchen wives.
Natasha refused to follow that script, and Akpabio’s Senate is punishing her for it.
Natasha’s seat change was not a coincidence; it is a message and a Political Attack.
For those who don’t understand how the National Assembly politics works, let me educate you.
Where you sit in plenary matters. The further back you are, the less visible and important you become. Cameras don’t pick you up easily. If you raise your hand, it’s like you don’t exist.
The presiding officer conveniently “doesn’t see your hand.”The system gradually silences you without needing to say a word.
First, they moved Natasha’s seat to the far end, near the exit. As if waiting for her to walk herself out.
She sat there. Still, that was not enough for them.
Now, they have moved her seat AGAIN!
They have pushed her to the far end corner of the plenary, the burial ground for lawmakers who don’t talk, don’t think, don’t contribute!
That place is for the benchwarmers, the ones who come, sign attendance, eat money, shout “Aye!” and “Nay!” like programmed robots, then vanish!
Natasha is NOT a benchwarmer. She is not a political errand girl. So why are they trying to bury her voice?
If the Senate follows rules, why was Natasha not informed before her seat was changed?
She woke up one morning, came to plenary, and suddenly… bam! She was told to move. Why?
Why?
Since when did they start moving senators around like chess pieces?
Since when did they start treating elected lawmakers like secondary school students being punished for noise-making?
This is deliberate sidelining. She has been excluded from international engagements, forced to fund her own travels while her male colleagues enjoy first-class treatment.
When she dares to raise her voice?
Her microphone is killed like an unwanted radio station.
Is this a democracy or a boys’ cult?
I have worked with lawmakers. I have sat behind the scenes. I have seen how the game is played.
Nigerian politics is not about truth or debate. It is about who can intimidate who into silence.
Akpabio’s “you are out of order” was not just a procedural statement, it was an attempt to put Natasha in her place.
To remind her that no matter how educated, outspoken, or intelligent she is, she is still a woman in a system built by men, designed for men.
That is the strategy. That is the game.
What Happened to Immunity? Or Does It Only Work for Men?
Senators have immunity for whatever they say on the floor of the House.
That is the law. That is the rule.
Yet, somehow, Akpabio treated Natasha like an errant schoolgirl, as if she was breaking some sacred commandment.
The real question is:
Would Akpabio have done the same if Natasha were a man?
Would he have cut off the microphone of a male senator mid-sentence in that same manner?
We know the answer.
Natasha represents something Nigerian politics is not used to; an outspoken woman who does not wait to be given permission to speak.
The system is playing a dirty game: if we can’t stop her from speaking, they will make sure nobody sees her.
That is why this gbas gbos was different.
This is not about rules.
This is about power.
That is the real game.
The Nigerian Senate has never been a quiet place. It has never been a place where emotions are checked at the door.
It is a battleground where policies, positions, and political futures are fought for.
So why is it that the same Senate that tolerates male aggression cannot handle female confidence?
The Nigerian Senate has always been a boys’ club. Women in the Red Chambers are expected to sit quietly, nod obediently, and support the men.
Natasha refused. And now, they are making her pay for it.
Senator Natasha did what every senator is elected to do. She had every right to push back.
The job of a senator is to speak, debate and challenge issues, not to sit down and watch like a guest at a wedding reception.
If that is now considered “out of order,” then perhaps the entire system needs to be reset.
If a lawmaker cannot express themselves, then what exactly are they doing in the Senate? What is their purpose?
Akpabio, as Senate President, has a duty to manage the house.
Leadership is not about silencing people; it is about managing power, balancing authority with fairness without being threatened by it.
Switching off a senator’s microphone is not leadership; it is dictatorship in disguise.
This was not about rules, this was about maintaining control.
What happened in the Red Chambers was bigger than one argument. It was a reminder that power in Nigeria is still a carefully guarded boys’ club.
A place where women are expected to be seen, not hear
This is not just about Natasha. It is about every woman in power who has been bullied into silence and deliberately made invisible in a room where she deserves to stand tall.
This is about a political culture that calls male assertiveness “leadership” but labels female boldness “disrespect.”
This is about a system that is comfortable with male chaos but afraid of female confidence.
The National Assembly is not a church. It is not a royal palace. It is a political arena. Senators should be allowed to speak, regardless of gender.
Call me ILUO-OGHENE but i remain ILUO DePOET and indeed, i have seen with my own eyes.
Oya, talk your talk, let’s hear your view.
Opinion
Achilles’ Heels of a Dedicated Leader – Natasha in the 10th Senate
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By Hamza Lamisi
No doubt that one of the expected big game Changers of the 10th National Assembly, particularly the Senate, is the emergence of a vocal voice who ran one of the country’s most persecuted election campaigns in Nigeria’s history. From the feminine gender in a male dominated political ecosystem to being transracial in a highly conservative District; a Christian in Muslim-saturated bargain table of stakeholders, from being single to inter-tribally married in a natively and culturally republic Ebira Land. Not only to contest in a struggling opposition party but to face the most ruthless Chief Security Officer of her State, from her District.
The odds were obviously too many but Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan upturned the guess – defeating the threatening ruling party and emerging the first female Senator Kogi State ever produced. She defined the turning point of Kogi Central’s representation in Nigeria’s bicameral Parliament. Unlike her colleagues from Kogi State who rode on the backing of the number one citizen of the State, Senator Natasha’s road to the red Chambers was never paved, it was a tough and rough journey of determination, persistence, unwavering dedication and commitment to a dream held in trust for the people.
She walked through the storms and she is shaped by the lessons – to remain bold, assertive, unbroken, unbeaten and unbowed by any circumstance, because only by struggle and perseverance freedom comes. Not unaware of the systemic dialogue, lobby and collaboration but Senator Natasha would not do so at the expense or in exchange of the People’s trust and mandate for which she swore oath to protect.
Stepping into the Senate as a survivor of election and litigation battles, and looking back to the unwavering support and uncommon trust of Kogi people and Nigerians by extension, notwithstanding already some months behind her fellow law makers, Senator Natasha was prepared to have the end justify the means. Barely 16 months from the very day of her swearing-in till date, Senator Natasha’s contributions and impact in the 10th Senate have left many wonder if she was a first time Senator or one elected from the minority opposition. Most popular and best performing member of the current National Assembly.
Just within one year in office, Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan lit 30 kilometers of road networks across Kogi Central with over 2,000 solar powered streetlights. Over 1,300 women and youth were trained and empowered by the law maker. Senator Natasha has supported the tuition fee of over 353 vulnerable indigenous students at tertiary institutions nationwide. She has faciliated federal employment opportunities for various graduates and facilitate capacity building trainings and empowerment for many others.
She brought a reliable supply of portable water to Kogi Central communities with 12 water reticulation projects with each being a massive 50,000-liter solar-powered motorized water system, which serves 300 locations and provides, 1,800 fetching taps.
To draw legislation closer to the grassroot, Senator Natasha engaged 100 constituency aides both men and women across the 57 wards in Kogi Central. She has distributed 12 trucks of grains, 10, 000 wrappers for women, 20,000 notebooks, 5,000 school bags and reconstructed and remodeled Abdul Aziz Attah Memorial College Okene (AAAMCO), Okene to smart school.
Within one year in office, Senator Natasha has attracted employments in both federal agencies and private organizations to over 30 graduates from her constituency.
Ihima community has been without police station for the past 7 years, Senator Natasha embarked on total reconstruction of Ihima Police Station which was commissioned by the Inspector-General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun.
Senator Natasha distributed 4 trucks of fertilizers totalling 2,400 bags of NPK and Urea fertilizers to Kogi Central farmers. Free Business CAC registration of 2,500 SMEs. She has empowered Kogi Central students from 12 selected tertiary institutions across Nigeria with multipurpose business cart and start up fund.
Commissioned six constituency offices in the five LGAs to make government closer to the people. Senator Natasha has sponsored two motions and two bills including the bill for the establishment of Nigeria Gold Reserve, the bill for the establishment of Ihima Federal Medical Centre, motion to investigate alleged corruption and inefficiency in Ajaokuta Company Ltd and National Iron Ore Mining Company, NIOMCO amongst other.
Senator Natasha has provided 5,000 digital learning devices to both public primary and secondary schools in Kogi Central.
For her magical achievements in office and accelerated development and impact her constituency has witnessed, Senator Natasha has received and even turned down several prestigious awards. She emerged Senator of the year 2024 which is her first year in office as Senator.
Achieving these feats in less than 16 months as a first time Senator and one from the minority party and from Kogi Central, one may wonder what could be the Achilles’ Heels of Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan in the 10th Senate and why the persecution by supposed colleagues in the Chambers. Is there a question of loyalty to individual rather than institution? Is it her performance record or her dedication to the business of legislation rather than playing the cheap political cards around the leadership of the Senate? Is it her idea of universal development of Nigeria rather than regional? After all, every Senator is of the Federal Republic Nigeria and should think and act so.
We may ask further; is anyone being threatened by her uncommon pace? Is there a question of envy or jealousy among her colleagues? Do they expect Senator Natasha to be one step behind, considering the enormity of the task on her shoulders as Senator from an already underrepresented District in the past? Is there a fear that Senator Natasha may reveal to Nigerians what is due to them from their representatives across boards? We may have more to ask than provide answers.
Meanwhile, Senator Natasha is a more than equal to the task of addressing the challenges that come with standing out in an uncommon manner. She is not one to be taught the difference between ‘diplomacy and cold slavery’ or ‘breach of rules and violation of right’. Nobody can silence her or box her to a corner of the Senate. Beyond her voice and impact over the years as an ordinary citizen, the people have been her greatest strength and she can only get more strengthed by any attempt to silence her.
Nigerians know how rare it is to have a NATASHA among the current crop of leaders and they are obviously making sure she is protected against bully, intimidation or harassment in the Senate. The dream is of the people, by the people and for the people, and so the mandate too.
Opinion
Babangida’s Confession and Atonement: Quo Vadis?
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By Professor Mike Ozekhome, SAN, CON, OFR, LL.D.
I have carefully read and listened to former Nigerian military president, General Ibrahim
Badamosi Babagida’s public remorse and regrets over the atrocious annulment of the June
12,1993 presidential elections. He did this 32 whopping years later. I want to very quickly say
that it takes a man with strong guts and balls and a man who has become repentant, born
again and has seen the face of God to publicly recant his earlier wrongful deeds and offer
public apology to the entire nation. This was no doubt meant to heal gapinng wounds and
balm wounded and bruised hearts.
The polls, the best, most transparent and credible elections, ever held in Nigeria till date,
were meant to end decades of military d The annulment threw Nigeria into turmoil and
widespread unreast, protests, maimings and killings. This forced Babagida to “step aside”;
the enthronenent of the Enest Shonekan’s Interim Government; and the arrest and detention
of Chief Moshood Abiola, the presumed winner who later died in Aso Villa in questionable
and suspicious circumstances. Of course, General Sani Abacha who was his second in
command later sacked Shonekan in a bloodless coup. For years, IBB prevaricated on the
annulment, claiming he did it in the best national interest. But on Thursday the 21st of
February, 2025,Babangida during the presentation of his memoirs, “A journey In Service”,
pointedly regretted in the public: “I regret June 12. I accept full responsibility for the
decisions taken and June 12 happened under my watch. Mistakes, missteps happened
in quick succession. That accident of history is most regrettable. The nation is entitled
to expect my expression of regret “. And wait for it:: he acknowledged for the first time that
Abiola won the elections fair and square, trouncing his major opponent, Alhaji Bashir Tofa.
I want to salute Babagida for having the courage and humility to own up like a man; that
everything that happened during the June 12 crisis took place under him as the head of state
and the president who was also the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal
Republic of Nigeria. I salute him for acknowledging that his government which actually
organised unarguably the freest, fairest and most credible elections in the electoral history
of Nigeria when it introduced option A4 from electoral books that were hithenlrto unknown
to Nigeria or to the world. But unfortunately, regrettably like he now admits, he again turned
around to annul the same elections in a way that was most bizarre, curious and unnatural.
To me, that he has come out to open up to doing something wrong and egregious to a
bleeding nation should be appreciated. I believe that Nigerians should forgive him because
to err is human and to forgive is divine ( Eph 4:32 ). I personally have now forgiven him
because I was also a victim of the June12 crisis. It threw up all manners of challenges to me
as a person, where in my very youthful age; in my thirties, I found myself marching on the
streets of Lagos every day- from Ikeja bus stop roundabout, to Ikorodu road; up to Tejuosho
market; from there to Ojuelegba, Surulere; to Mushin; to Shomolu and Igando, Alimosho.
Everyday, we were on the streets, protesting the mindless annulment. Some of us were killed
in process; some were lucky enough to escape abroad on self exile. But some of us- very few
indeed- refused to flee our dear country; we stayed back. We stared at the military eyeball to
eyeball. We challenge authority and spoke truth to power. We challenged impunity and
repression. I suffered several detentions across different detention centres. I virtually could
not find means of livelihood for my youthful family because I was profiled, my phones bugged
and no briefs were coming in. But I personally forgive him because it takes tons of guts to
make public confession of having erred and atone for same as he has now done.
It is confession that leads to penance and penance leads to restitution and then forgiveness.
If Babagida were to die today, I believe that he will see the face of God because he has prayed
God to forgive him; and he has prayed Nigerians to forgive him. Beyond that historic and
epochal mistake of the annulment of the June 12 election which constitutes his original sin,
let me place it on record that Babagida is one of the greatest presidents that Nigeria ever had
in terms of his ingenuity, rulership mantra; ideas for national resurgimento; ideas that
contributed greatly to nation-building. These were aside the IMF-induced loans and pills
which he introduced and which we again valiantly fought against successfully.
Babagida it was who gave birth to the Federal Capital Territory and laid the solid foundation for virtually everything you see there today. His government was peopled by intellectuals and
not by half illiterates and quacks. He recognized and used intellects. He was luminous and he built bridges of understanding, friendship and brotherhood across Nigeria. Nigerians,
please, accept IBB’s confession and forgive him his sin of annuling the June 12,1993
elections. Let the wounds heal; let the heart melt; and let the spirit of national triumphalism
prevail.
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