Opinion
Dangote Refinery’s solo fight against ‘dirty fuel’ dump in Nigeria
By Ehichioya Ezomon
If Africa’s richest man and Chairman of Dangote Group, Aliko Dangote, had thought his efforts and dogged determination to brace the odds and establish the multibillion dollar 650,000bpd-capacity Dangote Petroleum Refinery would bring him praises, and alleviate Nigeria’s decades-long dependence on corrupt and costly fuel importation, that expectation has turned into a nightmare – if not outright mirage.
The coming on stream of the refinery, launched by former President Muhammadu Buhari on Monday, May 22, 2023 – and subsequent roll-out of its products – has met with obstacles deliberately erected by government officials, institutions and major players in the oil sector that are supposed to encourage, support, and enhance the production, accessibility and affordability of the products to the consumers.
From failure or refusal of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) and International Oil Companies (IOCs) to supply crude to the refinery, to the initial allegation by the Nigeria Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) that the refinery products are inferior and laced with high sulfur.
And from NMDPRA’s continued issuance of licences to marketers to import reported refined but “dirty fuel” when the Dangote Refinery has enough high-quality fuel in stock, and to NNPCL’s assuming the sole off-taker and retention of power to fix prices for the fuel, it’s been a journey from one problem to another wilfully created by interested parties to impede the refinery’s progress.
Nonetheless, Mr Dangote and the refinery seem equal to the “oil cabals” at every turn of their shenanigans, the latest being the alleged plans by an indigenous oil company to import off-spec fuel and blend them with products from the Dangote Refinery, and possibly pass them off as sourced from the refinery, or to scramble with the Dangote products for market share.
Revealing the plot in a statement on November 3, 2024, without mentioning names, the Dangote Refinery said: “An international trading company has recently hired a depot facility next to the Dangote Refinery, with the objective of using it to blend substandard products that will be dumped into the market to compete with Dangote Refinery’s higher quality products.”
The company – unveiling itself as Pinnacle Oil & Gas Limited – located about 500 metres away, had approached the refinery to extend its pipeline to the company’s tank farms “for the purpose of blending our high-quality products with their imported products and selling them to Nigerians.”
Following a report about the antic of the company, Pinnacle Oil, without prompting, let itself out of the bag, clarifying that, as the only depot located close to the refinery, it sought to address the concerns raised by the refinery and reinforce its dedication to maintaining high-quality standards in all its products.
The company said: “Pinnacle Oil & Gas has the only depot facility next to the Dangote Refinery. Without equivocation, we state that Pinnacle Oil & Gas would never engage or attempt to import or distribute any off-spec or substandard product into the Nigerian market. Our company has a reputation for integrity and regulatory compliance, which is extremely important to us.”
Skirting the issue of blending of off-spec products, the Pinnacle Oil, ostensibly attempting to cast the Dangote Refinery as monopolistic in the oil sector, said that, “deregulated commodity markets work best with an open system of multiple sellers and multiple buyers bidding to establish the market price.”
“For Nigeria to have supply options that include local refineries or imports is the mechanism that will establish the lowest sustainable prices,” the company said, adding that, “a free market is also regulated to ensure that all products meet the country’s specifications and that all players behave responsibly.”
But in response to the comment by Mr Robert Dickerman, CEO of Pinnacle Oil & Gas Limited, in defence of his company’s business dealings, the Dangote Refinery, dismissing the notiion of being a monopoly, noted that deregulation isn’t a licence to blend off-spec products, to “jeopardise national interests,” The ConclaveNg reported on November 5.
“The Dangote Petroleum Refinery and Petrochemicals Company has long been an advocate for deregulation and industrialisation in Nigeria, but our support is rooted in a commitment to the sustainable growth of the country’s economy and the protection of its people from any exploitation,” the refinery said, adding that, unlike Dickerman’s view, “deregulation should not be a licence for the importation and distribution of off-spec products or the subversion of national interests.”
The refinery noted that, as an American, Dickerman should be aware of how the United States protects its industries, including opposition to the sale of U.S. Steel to Japan’s Nippon Steel; restriction on the use of Chinese-made cranes in American ports; imposition of a 100% tariff on electric vehicles and 50% duty on medical equipment from China; efforts to boost American production of computer chips and medical supplies; and anti-dumping laws that impose tariffs on Chinese goods considered to be unfairly priced.
The refinery explained that these measures – driven by national security concerns and the need for economic self-sufficiency – are an example of protectionism that prioritises national economic interests over short-term profit, and further demonstrating America’s commitment to safeguarding domestic industries.
“It is therefore perplexing that Dickerman, with all his experience in the U.S. market, would advocate for the importation and blending of petroleum products to Nigeria under the claim of deregulation and a free market,” the refinery said.
“The fact is that he (Dickerman) had deceitfully approached us and pleaded that we extend the pipeline from our refinery to Pinnacle’s tank farms for the purpose of blending our high-quality products with their imported products and selling them to Nigerians.
“We categorically rejected his request to extend our pipeline to their tank farms for such devious purposes because it would be a betrayal of the Nigerian people’s trust. The health and safety of Nigerians cannot – and should not – be compromised for profit.”
The Dangote Refinery iterated its commitment to ensuring that Nigeria becomes self-reliant in petroleum production, saying, “we welcome competition that drives innovation and quality,” adding, however, that, “we will never allow the continued importation and blending of petroleum products, nor the deliberate destruction of our national economy.”
Believing that a strong, self-sufficient energy sector is vital to Nigeria’s economic growth, the Dangote Refinery said it “will continue to advocate for policies and practices that protect our industries and the well-being of all Nigerians,” and eagerly anticipates the coming on stream of the Kaduna, Warri, and Port Harcourt refineries before the end of this year, as promised by the Group Chief Executive Officer (GCEO) of NNPCL, Mele Kyari. “This milestone will not only end all baseless rumours of monopoly (by Dangote Refinery) but also position Nigeria as a refining hub for petroleum products in Africa,” it added.
It’s not the first time that Pinnacle Oil & Gas would be accused of underhand tactic in the importation and/or dealing in unwholesome oils in the Nigerian market. But as reported by The Nation on August 21, the company denied accepting any product that didn’t meet the standard of the NMDPRA and Standard Organisation of Nigeria (SON) into its tanks.
In a rejoinder to Mr Dangote’s accusation of NMDPRA’s non-stop issuing of licences to traders to import high-sulphur content diesel and jet A fuel from Malta – which Dangote specifically described as “dirty” – into the country, Mr Dickerman said, “Pinnacle has never accepted any product into our tanks that does not meet all specifications of Nigerian regulations, and we never will.”
Pinnacle added: “Our regulators oversee quality control of all imported product and has the product inspected by independent, qualified inspectors before issuing a discharge certificate. We can not and will not ever be involved in the distribution of product that does not meet all specifications of Nigerian regulatory agencies.”
Perhaps, by approaching the Dangote Refinery for extension of its pipeline to the company’s tank farms that deal mainly in imported fuel, Pinnacle Oil may’ve presented its tradusers a villainous fait accompli to scapegoat it as an alleged importer of off-spec or substandard products into the Nigerian market.
Remarkably, though, Aliko Dangote – and the Dangote Petroleum Refinery – appears the lone voice crying in the wilderness against the unhealthy practices in the oil sector, necessitating the question: Where’s the government in the ding-dong, back-and-forth that’s grave implications for the health of the nation, its citizens and the environment?
What’s the Tinubu administration – both the executive and legislature – done to ascertain the veracity of these imported substandard products, and the instant revelation to blend same and push them into the market? Is the government handicapped in the circumstances, or it’s abetting and enabling the unpatriotic acts in the industry?
The situation calls for urgent intervention and investigation, as suggested by the Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria (HURIWA), which, via its coordinator, Comrade Emmanuel Onwubiko, on November 5, noted that Dangote had raised similar concerns about “dirty fuel” dump in Nigeria.
According to HURIWA, substandard fuel, which can cause significant air pollution, increased vehicular emissions, and engine degradation, releases harmful pollutants such as sulfur dioxide and carbon monoxide, contributing to air pollution and potential respiratory diseases,” adding that allowing such products into the market is “tantamount to an assault on public health.”
Recalling that prior allegations from Dangote regarding “dirty fuel” imports were presented to the House of Representatives, “with little to no follow-up action taken, and accountability remains unaddressed,” HURIWA urged the National Assembly to “prioritize this matter and convene a public hearing to thoroughly examine the allegations.”
Besides, HURIWA asked the government to demonstrate its commitment to public safety by initiating a swift, transparent, and unbiased investigation into the quality of fuel entering Nigeria, asserting that, “protecting public health is the highest public good.”
Saying the government must take immediate legal steps to halt the distribution of potentially-harmful products, act decisively, and send a clear message that public safety and product quality are non-negotiable, HURIWA noted that, “this latest controversy presents an opportunity for the government to reaffirm its commitment to public welfare, environmental integrity, and stringent regulatory enforcement.”
HURIWA argued that Nigeria’s credibility on the global stage is at stake if it fails to maintain stringent standards domestically, stressing, “Nigeria cannot demand accountability from the international community on climate issues while neglecting pollution control at home.”
Demanding that the regulatory bodies enforce strict standards and conduct due diligence in fuel quality monitoring, HURIWA called for upgrades to NMDPRA’s testing facilities, to ensure all imported products meet the necessary quality standards before reaching consumers, while any individuals or entities found responsible for compromising fuel quality should be sanctioned to deter future incidents.
The HURIWA recommendations should earn the support of well-meaning Nigerians, while all concerned authorities, including the government and regulatory bodies, should consider them, and do the needful for the sake of the health of the citizens, the protection of the environment, and the maintenance of the good image and reputation of the country in the global community. This isn’t the time for government to dilly-dally, and play the ostrich. It’s time to show leadership, and act quickly, decisively and responsibly!
Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria
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Opinion
Tax Reforms Bill: Addressing Legacy Laws, Streamlining Administration, and Balancing Derivation Concerns
By Yisa Usman FCA, FCTI
The proposed tax reforms mark a transformative moment in Nigeria’s fiscal evolution, focusing on modernization and addressing challenges rooted in outdated pre-colonial tax laws and redundant systems that burden businesses and individuals. These reforms aim to streamline tax administration and improve Value Added Tax (VAT) processes, providing a pathway toward equitable revenue distribution and fiscal decentralization. However, while the potential benefits are substantial, addressing significant challenges and equity concerns is critical to ensuring the reforms achieve their objectives.
A comparative analysis of Nigeria’s tax system against those of countries like Kenya, the United States, and other nations with comparable political structures reveals stark disparities that emphasize the critical need for reform. These nations have leveraged robust tax frameworks to achieve significant economic growth, foster local economic activities, and ensure a more equitable distribution of national resources, outcomes that starkly contrast with Nigeria’s performance. In Nigeria, outdated legislation, inadequate tax assessment and recovery system, and systemic corruption have created inefficiencies and exacerbated inequalities. The lack of effective mechanisms to optimize tax revenue further hampers the nation’s fiscal sustainability and economic competitiveness, making comprehensive reform an urgent necessity.
Nigeria’s reliance on antiquated tax laws has long hindered administrative efficiency and equitable resource allocation. These reforms seek to modernize the tax framework, aligning it with global best practices to foster economic development and decentralization. Key objectives include streamlining administration to eliminate duplicative tax practices, centralizing data to enhance accuracy in tax derivation and remittance, and empowering states to take greater responsibility for revenue generation and allocation, in line with the principles of fiscal federalism.
The proposed increase in derivation weight from 20% to 60% introduces a dual-edged dynamic. On the one hand, it incentivizes states to boost local economic activities and align revenue allocation with consumption patterns. On the other hand, it raises concerns about exacerbating existing inequalities, with states like Lagos, Ogun, Rivers and Kano poised to benefit disproportionately due to their robust economic bases, while resource-poor states may face disadvantages.
The reforms are supported by compelling arguments, including their potential to decentralize economic development by motivating states to leverage local resources and attract investments. The allocation of a larger revenue share to states promises improved infrastructure and public services, particularly in states that prioritize economic growth. Additionally, by leveraging technology to track consumption patterns, the reforms should enhance transparency and fiscal responsibility.
Nonetheless, the reforms face significant challenges. A heavy reliance on derivation risks marginalizing less affluent states, deepening socio-economic disparities. The reforms’ implementation will require extensive data collection and systemic upgrades, posing logistical and financial challenges. Furthermore, the reduction in population-based allocations from 30% to 20% could generate social and political tensions in densely populated states struggling to meet citizens’ needs.
To balance these opportunities and risks, several recommendations are essential. First, the derivation weight increase should be phased in, starting with a modest adjustment from 20% to say 30%-40%, allowing states and corporations to adapt gradually. Second, a centralized, dynamically updated tax database is critical for accurate derivation tracking and dispute reduction. Third, a revenue equalization mechanism, such as a stabilization fund, can support economically weaker states during the transition. Fourth, capacity-building initiatives should equip state tax authorities with the necessary skills and resources to manage the new system effectively. Fifth, standardized procedures for VAT collection, derivation tracking, and dispute resolution should be established to ensure consistency across states. Finally, fostering public engagement with stakeholders, including state governments, businesses, and civil society, will promote transparency, address concerns, and build collective ownership of the reforms.
These reforms not only resolve immediate administrative inefficiencies but also lay the foundation for a more equitable and sustainable fiscal system. By addressing pre-independence legacy laws and fostering economic accountability, Nigeria has an opportunity to position itself for inclusive growth, ensuring all states contribute to and benefit from national development. However, achieving these outcomes requires a careful balance between incentivizing derivation-based revenue sharing and providing mechanisms to support resource-poor states. With a focus on equity and efficiency, the reforms can establish a tax system that empowers businesses, strengthens states, and improves the living standards of citizens across the federation.
Yisa Usman is a Fellow of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria (ICAN), a Fellow of the Chartered Institute of Taxation of Nigeria (CITN), and a doctoral candidate at the Nigerian Defence Academy, Kaduna
Opinion
EFCC vs Bello: Trivialising corruption allegations
By Ehichioya Ezomon
In my November 18, 2024, article entitled, “That ‘fake’ Sanwo-Olu vs EFCC suit: Whodunit it? Who sponsored it?” I held that snapets from the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) moves to investigate, arrest, detain and prosecute ex-governors “are telegraphed a few months or weeks before they bow out of office,” so giving them the jitters to “either begin to express being squeaky clean, alleging political witch-hunt or daring the EFCC to carry out its threat to make them account for their stewardship.”
I however observed that lately, the anti-graft agency’s threat against former governors “has become mostly academic, and the norm rather than the exception,” adding that, “it appears some ex-governors now relish being dragged by the EFCC, at least, as a way to keeping themselves in the news after missing the years of free spotlighting.”
Former Governor Yahaya Bello of Kogi State has mostly proved these assertions right, even as he finally presented himself to the EFCC for “arrest and detention,” and arraignment and prosecution for alleged looting of Kogi’s resources during his eight-year tenure in office (2016-2024).
For months, Bello’s engaged in a hide-and-seek, only to suddenly show up at the EFCC headquarters in Abuja on September 18, and yet wasn’t booked, interrogated, or detained – as he’s on the wanted list of the agency and the courts – but with the commission reportedly asking him to leave and come back at a later date. Why?
EFCC’s intel reportedly indicated that Bello’s prepared for a showdown, having allegedly stormed the premises with armed details. Thus, the authorities tactically allowed him to while away for hours in one of the offices. Indeed, EFCC’s later efforts that night to arrest Bello at the Kogi State Government Lodge in Asokoro, Abuja, were allegedly thwarted by his armed guards.
Bello, facing a couple of EFCC’s alleged fraudulent cases in courts in Abuja, continued in his disappearing act, while the commission failed in its attempts to force his trial – in absentia – before Justice Emeka Nwite on October 30 at the Federal High Court in Abuja, where Bello’s facing a 19-count charge for alleged laundering of N84bn.
But on November 26, Bello – billed for arraignment since April 2024 – reappeared at the EFCC headquarters in Abuja, and this time, the agency “detained” him overnight in the facility he’d avoided for months, as he shunned invitations and court summons to answer for his alleged looting of resources during his governorship of ‘The Confluence State’.
And on November 27, the EFCC arraigned Bello and two others – Shuaibu Oricha and Abdulsalam Hudu – before Justice Maryanne Anenih of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) High Court in Maitama, Abuja, on a 16-count charge for conspiracy, criminal breach of trust and possession of unlawfully-obtained property, amounting to N110.4bn.
After some legal fireworks over bail for the three defendants between the lead counsel for the accused, Joseph Daudu (SAN) and the EFCC, Kemi Pinheiro (SAN), Justice Anenih adjourned ruling on the application to December 10, and directed that the defendants should remain in the EFCC custody.
This notwithstanding the EFCC administrative bail granted to Oricha and Hudu, which Pinheiro argued had expired in October, but with Daudu pointing to a fresh application of November 22, based on the fact that the defendants deserve their liberty on the presumption of innocence until they’re proven guilty, as alleged.
Meanwhile, Bello certainly was in a celebratory mood when – for the first time in over seven months of a cat-and-mouse game with the EFCC – he’s docked for the alleged N110.4bn theft of Kogi’s resources. Dressed in a pair of contact lenses, and a light sky-blue attire, Bello, amidst a throng of aides and political associates, walked energetically through the expansive premises and into the courtroom of the FCT High Court.
As he covered the distance from the parking lot to the courtroom, Bello’s all smiles – as he turned right and waved with the right hand, and then turned left and waved with the left hand – to acknowledge greetings and cheers from his supporters, many of whom sandwiched him into the court, where he continued to return courtesies even while in the dock to plead not guilty to the charges preferred against him.
Perhaps to Bello, his arraignment was a moment to savour, and bask in the frenzy of journalists and EFCC’s operatives scrambling to capture and record his every posture and every gesture as evidence, and for prime-time broadcast and publication in the mainstream and online media.
A similar scenario played out on November 29, at the Federal High Court in Abuja, where Bello couldn’t take his plea, and had to “stand for himself” in the absence of his lead lawyer in the suit, Abdulwahab Mohammed (SAN).
With well-armed security operatives falling over themselves to dominate the court premises, Bello, with a more somber mien this time, and accompanied by aides, supporters and operatives of the EFCC, still walked briskly into the courtroom, with the door quickly closed behind him.
Once inside, as reported by PUNCH ONLINE, Bello told trial Justice Emeka Nwite that he won’t take any plea, as he’s only made aware of his arraignment in the night of November 28, and couldn’t get across to his lawyer, Mohammed (SAN). This prompted the judge – in the interest of fair hearing – to order that Mohammed be put on notice for the adjourned date of December 13, and for Bello and his co-defendants to be reminded in the EFCC custody.
The EFCC lawyer, Pinheiro (SAN), attempted to convince Justice Nwite to commence the trial without Bello’s counsel, arguing that, “What the law requires is the presence of the defendant, not the presence of his lawyers.”
This was reportedly a rehash of a similar argument at the sitting on October 30, when Pinheiro requested that the court proceed with the trial. Noting that two witnesses were present and ready to testify,” Pinheiro suggested that the “court enter a plea of not guilty on Bello’s behalf and commence the trial.”
But as in that prior instance, the judge turned down Pinheiro’s entreaty on November 29, citing Bello’s right to a fair hearing, and reminding the EFCC lawyer that, at the October court session, the matter was adjourned to January 21, 2025.
“The matter came up on the 30th of October 2024. It was adjourned to 21st January 2025. From the statement of the defendant, his lawyers are not aware of today’s (November 29) date. In the interest of fair hearing, I will not proceed for arraignment,” Justice Nwite said.
“This matter is peculiar in the sense that we have already agreed on a date, which is in January. It will be unfair if the matter is taken without the defendant’s counsel. It would be a different thing if the defendant had no counsel.
“Since the defendant has said his counsel is not aware of today’s proceeding, I am of the view that a bench warrant cannot be sacrificed on the altar of fair hearing. The defendant deserves to be represented by counsel,” the judge added.
After the court waited for 45 minutes, “but with no sign of the defence counsel,” Justice Nwite adjourned the matter, directed that Bello remain in the EFCC custody until the next hearing on December 13, and granted Pinheiro’s application for “new date hearing motions and possible arraignment to be served on the defendant’s counsel.”
As the clock ticks towards December 10 at the FCT High Court, and December 13 at the Federal High Court both in Abuja, will Bello and his co-defendants get a bail reprieve, or be further remanded in the EFCC custody, or sent behind bars at one of Nigeria’s capital city’s jail houses, to spend the Yuletide season there? Such would be a canny experience the ex-governor had fought strenuously for months to avoid!
Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria. Can be reached on X, Threads, Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp @EhichioyaEzomon. Tel: 08033078357
Opinion
Nigeria’s Economic Paradox: A Growing GDP Amidst Widespread Suffering
By Chief Ameh Peter
The National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) recently reported that Nigeria’s GDP grew by 3.46% in the third quarter of 2024. At first glance, this appears to be a promising sign of economic progress. However, the harsh realities on the ground paint a vastly different picture. Widespread hunger, inflation, unemployment, and deteriorating infrastructure reveal a nation grappling with severe economic distress.
The contrast between these glowing statistics and the lived experiences of Nigerians is stark. National grid collapses have become routine, and the condition of roads continues to worsen, with potholes increasing by 100%. Meanwhile, the naira’s value plummets, eroding the purchasing power of ordinary citizens. These realities starkly contradict the optimistic narrative suggested by the NBS figures.
As Benjamin Disraeli aptly put it, “There are three kinds of lies: lies, damned lies, and statistics.” This sentiment rings true in Nigeria’s case, where the government’s reliance on statistical data obscures the suffering of its people. The reported GDP growth is, in reality, a statistical mirage that conceals systemic failures.
At the heart of Nigeria’s economic challenges lies a deeply flawed political system. This system enables incompetent and dishonest individuals to manipulate the electoral process, ascend to power, and perpetuate a culture of corruption, cronyism, and mismanagement. These issues have stifled genuine economic progress and development.
To address these challenges, Nigeria must embark on comprehensive economic reforms focused on transparency, accountability, and good governance. Cost-cutting measures and investments in critical infrastructure—such as roads, electricity, and healthcare—are essential to creating an environment conducive to sustainable economic growth. No country can prosper without reliable power and infrastructure.
Nigeria’s economic paradox serves as a sobering reminder of the urgent need for reform. It is imperative to end the election of incompetent leaders and prioritize national interest over personal gain. The government must move beyond statistical manipulation and focus on fostering an economy that benefits all Nigerians. Only through such genuine efforts can the promise of economic growth become a reality for everyone.
Chief Ameh Peter is the
National Secretary, CUPP
Former National Chairman, IPAC and
Ex-Presidential Candidate
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