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Undeserving honour for a handy hangman

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By Tunde Olusunle

Muhammadu Buhari, Nigeria’s President, was not a happy man on Monday June 27, 2022. Students of “body language methodology of governance, administration and communication,” know what I mean. It was invented into the lexicon of contemporary Nigerian political discourse, following the ascendancy of the Buhari presidency, in 2015. It is a “theorem” which enables aides of the president and government functionaries, deduce from the non-verbal attitudes, dispositions and signs of their principal, what he expects them to do in every situation. The idea is to reinforce the fact of the president being a man of very few words, certified taciturn actually, who expects people to “borrow themselves brain,” as the Nigerian day-to-day expression, says. They are thus expected to get cracking on their briefs in whatever ways, without the benefit of a conversation or exchange of ideas in some form, with their principal. How this has profited the country in Buhari’s over seven years in office, is subject of another treatise.

At other times, Buhari indeed reinforced this characteristic of himself, in his public outings. A visiting French president, Emmanuel Macron in 2018, entertained a press conference in the State House, Buhari his host, flanking him. When the question about the nationwide menace of herdsmen was raised, Buhari looked the other way. It was so visible even on television. He surely was not comfortable with that poser. His spontaneous reaction spoke volumes. You should have also read his discomfiture as he sat in the state box at Eagle Square the other day, at the presidential primary of his political party, the All Progressives Congress, (APC). He wore this kind of “You guys get this thing done quickly so I can get out of here” visage, for most of the programme.

The night of Sunday June 26, 2022, Buhari received an unexpected correspondence from the immediate past Chief Justice of Nigeria, (CJN), Ibrahim Tanko Muhammad. He had notified the president in his mail, that he was retiring voluntarily from office, “with immediate effect,” an expression loaned from our several decades under military rulership. Muhammad pleaded faltering health as the grounds for excusing himself from office. Ordinarily, he was due for retirement in 2023, by which time he would have attained the retirement age of 70 years, for jurists in the Supreme Court of Nigeria. Professors in Nigerian universities are also given such latitude, against the backdrop of the peculiarity of their professions as human storehouses of irreplaceable knowledge, expertise and experience.

Muhammad’s decision caught Buhari by surprise. He had just returned from the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting, (CHOGM) in Kigali, the capital of Rwanda, a country which is fast displacing Nigeria as most preferred events destination in sub-saharan Africa. Tanko Muhammad was tactically procured early 2019, by functionaries of the Buhari administration. He was primed the foremost, statutory judicial enforcer of the re-election of Buhari, March 2019, two months away. It was glaring, from the abysmal, multisectoral failure of the subsisting administration which was voted into office in 2015, that Nigerians had totally lost patience with the regime. The party which produced the president, wouldn’t be humoured with a second term in office. Buhari’s strategists, all downstream beneficiaries of his government, spun a spurious narrative to force Muhammad’s predecessor, Walter Onnoghen to resign from office.

The fable was that Onnoghen was in bed with Buhari’s major opponent in the 2019 polls, Atiku Abubakar, of the Peoples’ Democratic Party, (PDP). Onnoghen was rumoured to have held an offshore meeting with Atiku at the latter’s Dubai abode after the PDP presidential primary, late 2018, which Atiku won. As the spin doctors couched it, Atiku would seek legal redress after being trounced by Buhari at the polls. Onnoghen would subsequently deploy his position as CJN and allied judicial instruments, to rule in favour of Atiku and enthrone him president.

As legal proceedings progressed, however, it was the APC government whose security operatives hounded the PDP “Situation Room,” which had all the results of that election, direct from every polling unit across the country. The Independent National Electoral Commission, (INEC), hurriedly pulled down its server which stored the authentic poll results, swearing it never had one. Such was the frenzy Buhari’s associates got themselves into, attempting to legitimise the grossly illegitimate election results. History will yet unravel the complicity of many present public officials in that subterfuge when the time is right.

Tanko Muhammad was therefore elevated to upstage Onnoghen his senior colleague. He functioned first in an acting capacity, beginning from January 25, 2019, when he was first appointed. He became substantive CJN July 24, 2019 and concurrently Chairman, National Judicial Council, (NJC), after discharging his primary task, that of returning Buhari as president. His appearance before the senate for clearance saw him commit an unforgettable howler. His response to the question about whether the apex court under his jurisdiction will rely upon the merits of cases, or technicalities to adjudicate, gave him away as half-baked, possibly mediocre. His analogy about his suitability to “drive an aeroplane” or not, reinforced notions about his suspect capacity.

US-based Nigerian attorney, Emmanuel Ogebe, has proffered that “Tanko came to office with a palpable integrity deficit. Ogebe advanced this in his post-disengagement tribute to Muhammad, which he titled “Justice Tanko’s Resignation: End of an error.” What was to follow, Ogebe noted, “was further proof of his competency deficiency. The judge who couldn’t define “technicality” in his senate confirmation hearing, apparently was technically unfit to be Chief Justice of Nigeria,” Ogebe submitted. Sadly, Nigeria’s “rubber stamp” legislature, led by the never-to-be consensus presidential candidate of the APC for the 2023 polls, Ahmed Lawan, confirmed his nomination with aplomb. This was in total obeisance to the “body language” of the president. Not even the fact that Muhammad studied Islamic law and not conventional law, was questioned at that outing in the Senate.

At the inauguration of Muhammad’s successor, Olukayode Tajudeen Ariwoola, Buhari devoted ample time celebrating the outgone CJN. He noted he was reluctant to accept Tanko Muhammad’s correspondence, because he was confident the former CJN would outlast his own administration and retire December 31, 2023, months after his exit. Buhari extolled Muhammad’s dispensation for ensuring “landmark, jurisprudential and policy decisions by the Supreme Court.” Tanko was praised for dealing “firmly with the issue of reckless and indiscriminate grant of ex-parte orders, which was assuming serious dimensions.” History, Buhari observed, “will be kind to Justice Tanko Muhammad for his modest contributions to Nigeria’s judiciary, the strengthening of our democracy and national development.” He subsequently conferred on Muhammad, the second highest national honour, that of Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger, (GCON).

Tanko Muhammad’s stint as CJN, was dogged by controversies in various forms and shapes. Under his superintendence, the home of Mary Odili, the next in rank and seniority in the Supreme Court to Muhammad, was stormed by agents of government in Gestapo fashion, October 29, 2021. Whereas the stormtroopers pretended to be executing a search warrant, the raid was generally perceived to have been designed to maim and kill the target, Mary Odili. It re-echoed a similar invasion of the homes of some judges in 2016, in Abuja and Port Harcourt, respectively. The earlier raid was carried out by operatives of the State Security Services, (SSS).

For the first time in the history of the Supreme Court, a total of 14 out of 16 justices in the court, authored a jointly signed petition, days before Muhammad’s resignation. They decried abysmal working conditions under his leadership. They drew attention to the homelessness of many judges and the unsavoury conditions they had to work in. The judges listed non-replacement of their aged official vehicles; denial of training opportunities for capacity building and the decrepit condition of the Supreme Court clinic, among other challenges.

They highlighted the cancellation of their foreign summer holidays consistent with international best practices, whereas the CJN regularly obliged his family and personal aides, these privileges. Things as basic as non-payment of subscriptions for internet services and satellite television, also featured on the list of irritants of the Supreme Court Justices, under Tanko Muhammad’s leadership. The Justices equally complained of being forced to exit their chambers by 4pm every day, owing to frequent power outages and the skyrocketing costs of maintenance of diesel generators. Simply put, the correspondence was a tacit vote of no confidence in the leadership of the former CJN. Muhammad allegedly introduced a new tradition of judicial laziness into the operations of the Supreme Court. He was reputed as lacking the basic ability to comport himself to write well-reasoned judgments. Rather, he was notorious for commandeering cases, preempting and dictating outcomes and disallowing dissent.

Indeed in May this year, a former Supreme Court judge, Ejembi Eko, alluded to the festering sleaze in the judiciary, under Tanko Muhammad. In his valedictory address upon retirement, Ejembi Eko spoke about the “vandalisation of the budget of the judiciary, culminating in the lack of basic needs of justices.” He expressed his bewilderment about the pauperisation of the topmost rungs of the judiciary, despite remarkable increases in budgetary allocations. Eko invited the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, (EFCC), to investigate the accounts of the Supreme Court. Such has been the quantum rot and decay in the nation’s uppermost court in recent years, especially under the jurisdiction of Tanko Muhammad.

The former CJN reportedly spent recent weeks in recent months being variously scrutinised for all manner of malfeasance. There was a report to the effect that Muhammad was queried by the SSS over a $10 million bribe reportedly collected on his behalf by one of his children, for a favour requested by Aliyu Wamakko. The erstwhile governor of Sokoto State and ranking member of the upper parliament, who was said to have made the payment, reportedly squealed when his request was not being prioritized nor addressed.

June 22, 2021, Messrs Malcolm Omirhobo and Co, legal practitioners sent a correspondence to Muhammad, requesting for “certified true copies of certain public documents.” The attorneys said they were acting “pursuant to the Freedom of Information Act 2011.” Among others, they requested “proof of receipt of total funds disbursed by the National Judicial Council, (NJC), to the Supreme Court, since January 2019.” They equally requested the Financial Statements of Accounts of the Supreme Court; Proof of the Total Expenditure and Payment Vouchers processed by the organisation, since 2019. Omirhobo and Associates, equally requested information about Internally Generated Revenue within the period; Proof of Expenditure; Salary payments and so on.

Arising from the dust and whirlwind of petitions, complaints and controversies thrown up by Muhammad’s regime in the Supreme Court, the Senate has shown interest in interrogating the tenure of the former CJN. Senate committee chairman on judiciary, human rights and legal matters, Opeyemi Bamidele, brought this up as a “Matter of Urgent Public Importance,” on the floor of the uppper parliament, Tuesday June 28, 2022. Irrespective of Muhammad’s resignation, complaints against Muhammad will be investigated as part of efforts to restore the integrity and public confidence in the judiciary. Himself an attorney, Bamidele is concerned that at no time has the credibility of the judiciary being so mindlessly rubbed in the myd and rubbished as it has in recent years.

Almost immediately after the inauguration of Ariwoola as acting CJN, Monday June 27, 2022, the ever sleepless social media threw up a collage of photographs. A particular photo shot pitched the president’s mien at the inauguration of Tanko Muhammad three years ago, with his facial expression at Ariwoola’s. While it was an uncharacteristically bright, bubbly Mr President, flashing a gap-tooth smile of accomplishment at Muhammad’s swearing-in, it was a visibly, evidently dour, drawn president, who shook hands with Ariwoola. That sense of loss of a trusted ally, a handy hatchet man, was inscribed all over his face. Motion pictures of the event captured a president who almost couldn’t wait for press photographers to complete their job, so he could retire to his trademark closet. A new CJN from the south of the country for that matter, may be bad business ahead of 2023.

Sadly, history cannot be fair to Tanko Muhammad, the way the president desires, irrespective of the “GCON” necklace he was adorned with. His legacy of laziness, imprimatur of ineptitude and trenchant treachery, did not cover him in gloss at all. A very bitter Ogebe has advanced that: “The worst president of Nigeria appointed the worst Chief Justice of Nigeria…That Tanko would be a failure was expected. How disastrously he failed, was the surprise. Never in the history of Nigeria’s legal system have all 14 justices in the Supreme Court, petitioned the CJN this way.”

Hopefully, Tanko Muhammad will be guest of a number of intelligence and investigative agencies and bodies, in the coming weeks and months. That is hoping there wouldn’t be a reenactment of the “off the mic” episode during the House of Representatives inquisition into the affairs of the Niger Delta Development Commission, (NDDC), not too long ago. Such media trials have become the trademark of our corruption and crime-busting departments. And whether such bodies will be sufficiently courageous as to dispense appropriate penalties and sanctions, as deterrence for future offenders is another matter.
Olusunle, PhD, poet, journalist, scholar and author, is a Member of the Nigerian Guild of Editors, (NGE).

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Opinion

How Governor Ododo stole the show at Edo APC Governorship campaign Mega Rally

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By Ismaila Isah

The tempo of activities leading to the governorship election holding September 21, 2024 reached a crescendo last weekend when the Kogi State Governor, Ahmed Usman Ododo, in company of other APC governors and leaders were in Edo state to campaign for the party’s candidate, Senator Monday Okpebholo.
It was a homecoming for Governor Ododo whose first port of call wasIgarra in Akoko-Edo Local Government area of Edo state. The Igarra shares cultural and linguistic affinity with Ebira. Their language is a dialect of Ebira with a lot in common with the Ebiras in Kogi, Nasarawa, the FCT, Ondo, Ekiti and other states with high population of Ebira speakers and settlers.

The people also turned out in large numbers to support and join hands with their “son-governor” from another mother in last-minute campaign to win the hearts of Igarra and Edo people in general and to drum support for the APC candidate, Senator Okpebholo.

After successfully leading the youth rally in Igarra, headquarters of Akoko-Edo on Friday, Governor Ahmed Usman Ododo proceeded to Benin City, the Edo state capital where he was seen receiving other governors and party leaders ahead of the APC mega rally held at the University of Benin Sports Complex in Ugbowo.

Governor Ododo was the cynosure of all eyes as many party leaders including APC governors were seen consulting with him as the director of youth mobilization for the Edo State Edo APC Governorship Campaign Council.

He stayed awake through the night on Friday till early Saturday morning addressing different groups who thronged his base at the GRA in Benin City to consult with him on strategic direction for effective mobilization for the mega rally and grand finale of the Edo APC Governorship election campaign.

The Kogi State Governor was well supported by his brother and the Edo state Deputy Governor, Mr Philip Shaibu who hosted the Governor and his entourage and ensured that the Governor and members of his team enjoyed the comfort and hospitality of Edo state throughout the stay.

Governor Ododo who was at the Benin airport to receive Vice President Kashim Shettima who was the special guest at the mega rally also accompanied the Vice President to the palace of the Oba of Benin, His Royal Majesty Omo N’Oba N’Edo Uku Akpolokpolo Ewuare II.

The Kogi State Governor received commendation from Vice President Kashim Shettima, the APC National Chairman, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, other governors and members of the National Working Committee of the party who were impressed by the level of mobilization of youth for the mega rally which is largely atttibuted to Governor Ododo’s ground work which went on for weeks before the mega rally.

With stops, meet and greet in different communities in Etsako, Owan and Oredo where he interfaced with non-indigenous communities like Igbo traders and Kogi state indigenes in Edo state, Governor Ododo’s message for them to support the APC and its Governorship candidate was loud, clear and persuasive.

From Lampese, Igarra, Auchi through Afuze to Benin City, Governor Ododo’s presence was electric and his impact was felt throughout Edo State as he went with his team to mobilize support for the APC Governorship candidate Senator Monday Okpebholo.

The Ododo story in the 2024 Edo Governorship election which will be complete on Saturday the 21st of September is that of courageous and energetic young Governor who is following the footsteps of his boss and predecessor, Governor Yahaya Bello in unequivocal and absolute loyalty to the APC irrespective of the terrain, the personality of the candidate and the burden of staying true and committed to the success of the political party that has redefined partisan politics in Nigeria’s history.

With the statistics and predictions in favour of the APC, there is hope that Senator Monday Okpebholo will be victorious at the polls and become the next Governor of Edo state.

Isah is the Special Adviser on Media to the Kogi State Governor

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Edo 2024: Betsy Obaseki’s broadside and Adams Oshiomohle’s bombshell

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By Ehichioya Ezomon

The 1967 hit song, “The First Cut Is the Deepest,” written by British singer-songwriter, Cat Stevens, may not be related to the discourse hereunder, but it’s a strong advice to humans, to bridle their tongues – as the Apostles admonish in James 3:8-9 – against censoriousness, and reproving others with a magisterial air, as true wisdom comes only from above.
“The First Cut Is the Deepest” was originally released in April 1967 by P. P. Arnold – an American soul singer, born Patricia Ann Cole, on October 3, 1946, in Los Angeles, California – who relocated in 1966 to London, the United Kingdom, to pursue a solo career, and enjoyed considerable success with the single, which also became a hit by Rod Stewart in his seventh album, “A Night On The Town,” released in 1976.) 
In the past week, all eyes and mouths have been on former Edo State Governor Adams Oshiomhole, even as social media remains agog – albeit slantily –  over the Senator’s attack on Governor Godwin Obaseki and First Lady Betsy Obaseki, over their childlessness – a very sensitive and no-go-area issue in our cultural, traditional and religious settings. 
Yet, the judgmental critics have made the Oshiomhole tactless attack – that touches the underbelly of the Obasekis – to appear as out of the blue, whereas it’s a riposte to Mrs Obaseki’s equally graceless reminder of the Edo people – especially the women – that only the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) candidate, Dr Asue Ighodalo, has a wife among the candidates vying to succeed her husband from the September 21, 2024, governorship election that’s 12 days away.
Below is Mrs Obaseki’s unprompted remarks at a PDP campaign rally in Benin City: 
“Among the candidates wey dey contest election, na only one get wife. And na our own party candidate, Asue Ighodalo, na only him get wife. Na him wife bi dis” (as she raised Mrs Ighodalo’s right hand, to the cheers of the rallygoers). 
“Women for Edo, make una know sey na only one candidate get wifeooo” (Mrs Obaseki added, as she pulled her left ear, as a sign of warning to the female voters). 
What’s Mrs Obaseki’s motive(s) for dragging marital matters into the campaigns when there’re myriad issues of alleged poor performance in Mrs Obaseki’s husband’s eight-year governance, in which Mr Ighodalo’s the Economic Adviser?
Was it to change the opposition narratives on the subpar outing of Governor Obaseki; score political points for Ighodalo and the PDP; a dig at the other candidates, who, perhaps, have no wives to act as “First Lady” should they win the September 21 poll; or throw herself and family into the mix, to curry sympathy for themselves and votes for Ighodalo, and disparagement and denial of votes for the “wifeless” candidates? 
On the basis of the law of reciprocity, one would be tempted to say good riddance to bad rubbish, as what’s sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander: Considering that it’s Mrs Obaseki, who prompted the “familial controversy” at a campaign rally, which Oshiomhole – a non-candidate at the election –uncouscionably jumped in to respond to. 
Now a case of “Two wrongs don’t make a right,” Oshiomhole’s likely unsolicited intervention on behalf of the candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Senator Monday Okpebholo (APC, Edo Central) – whose campaign council Oshiomhole chairs – has several contextual proverbs. 
The axioms include: 1) Without pulling the trigger, the gun will not fire. 2) Actions speak louder than words. 3) Familiarity breeds contempt. 4) People who live in glass houses should not throw stones. 5) The farting of the rich smells sweet, that of the poor fouls the air. 6) Someone who knows how their anus is should learn to sit properly. 7) First take the log out of your own eye, and then you will see clearly to take the speck out of your brother’s eye. (Matt 7:5) 8) Do unto others as you would have them do unto you. (Matt 7:12) 9) If you point one finger, there are three more pointing back at you. 10) The bird whose feathers are used for sacrifice moves about stealthily. 
Some or all of these sayings fit into Oshiomhole and Mrs Obaseki’s dockets, but only Oshiomhole (APC, Edo North) ultimately opens himself up to vitriol and odium. Because – short of scientific attempts to challenge nature – childbearing is a gift and a miracle from God, the Creator. So, no one – no matter the circumstance – plays God over an issue they’ve no knowledge and power to determine. 
Let’s look at a post on the WhatsApp page of PAN EDO POLITICAL FORUM – which may not be altruistic but politically-motivated – to gauge the public angst over Oshiomhole’s attack on the Obasekis. The anonymous post, entitled, “What All Truthful Pastors Should Preach This Sunday Until It Reaches All,” reads: 
“Words can be weapons, and Adams Oshiomhole’s recent jabs at Governor Obaseki and his wife have left many Nigerians in shock and dismay. Mocking someone’s childlessness is a hurtful and personal attack that crosses the boundaries of decent political discourse.
“Imagine the pain and anguish that comes with longing for a child, only to be met with ridicule and scorn. The Obasekis have shown remarkable strength and resilience in the face of this adversity, but Oshiomhole’s comments have reopened old wounds and caused fresh hurt.
“Let us rally around the Obasekis and show them that we stand with them in solidarity and support. Let us reject the politics of personal attacks and embrace empathy and compassion.
“Childlessness is a sensitive issue that affects many families, and we must approach it with kindness and understanding. Let us create a society where people can share their struggles without fear of judgment or mockery.
“Oshiomhole’s comments may have been meant to score political points, but they have ultimately revealed his own character and exposed the dark underbelly of our political culture. Let us rise above this and choose a higher path – one of love, empathy, and respect for all.
“Furthermore, Oshiomhole’s behaviour falls short of the standards expected of a public figure, and his actions are a disservice to the people of Edo State and Nigeria as a whole. His comments are not only unbecoming of a leader but also contradict the values of our cultural heritage.
“In the Benin Kingdom, where Oshiomhole hails from, respect for elders and dignity for all individuals are deeply ingrained traditions. His utterances have brought shame to his people and tarnished the image of the kingdom.
“Let us reject Oshiomhole’s divisive and hurtful rhetoric and instead embrace a culture of empathy, kindness, and respect. We must hold our leaders accountable for their words and actions, and demand better from those who seek to represent us.”
The foregoing is a mild version of what concerned members of the public have written about and against Oshiomhole, whose public utterances – time and again – have tended to be unguarded and out of step and control, like a loose cannon. It’s time he checked his exuberance, and act as a Statesman!
That said, Oshiomhole appears unfairly treated by the same public that wears Mrs Obaseki the toga of victimhood! Why should the critics be one-sided? Why don’t they also censure Mrs Obaseki, who pulled the trigger first by mocking other candidates – who’ve no wives – in the September 21 governorship election? 
While there’re pressing issues of governance to highlight at every stop on the campaign trail, Mrs Obaseki off-handedly threw “familial matter” into the political arena. Thus, as we blame Oshiomhole for unwarrantedly responding in kind – especially as he’s not a candidate in the election – Mrs Obaseki should also be held responsible for unnecessarily teasing the “unwived” candidates!
In the interim – as if Mrs Obaseki’s allusion to candidates with no wives was specifically targeted at Okpebholo – there’ve been calls from broadcast talking heads and pundits, and women groups for Okpebholo to introduce to the public his wife, who, they argue, should join in the campaigns to elect her husband on September 21 – citing, as an example, Mrs Ifeyinwa Ighodalo, who joins her husband’s campaign train and/or does separate stomps on his behalf.
Still, having a wife isn’t a requirement for the Office of Governor – and other elective positions of a Member of the Senate; a Member of the House of Representatives; a Member of the State House of Assembly; the President and Vice President; and the Deputy Governor – as spelt out in Sections 65, 106, 131, and 177 of the amended 1999 Constitution of Nigeria. 
To qualify for any of those elective positions, a candidate must certify that: (a) he is a citizen of Nigeria by birth; (b) he has attained the age of 35, 30, 30, 40 and 35 (applicable to each office in that order); (c) he is a member of a political party and is sponsored by that political party; and (d) he has been educated to at least School Certificate level or its equivalent. 
Clearly, there’s no provision of the 1999 Constitution requiring a candidate to have a wife before they can vie for the governorship. It’s an extraneous matter injected into the campaigns by Mrs Obaseki for political optics, to puncture the enthusiasm and momentum in Mr Ighodalo’s opposing camps.
So, going by the 1967 hit song, “The First Cut Is The Deepest,” shouldn’t Mrs Obaseki’s “polemic” on candidates, who’ve no wives, be ranked as the deepest cut – or at least placed on equal pedestal with Comrade Oshiomhole’s  “thunderbolt” on the Obasekis childlessness – for attempting to throw an already tensed Edo politics into a tailspin, which, indeed, she’s succeeded in doing? Let’s not bury the truth in emotion or partisanship!

Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria

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Opinion

APC Must Probe Zazzaga And Other Moles Within

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Abdullahi Sule

By Dr Kassim Muh’d Kassim

The recent attack on Nasarawa State Governor, Engineer Abdullahi Sule by one Alhaji Saleh Zazzaga a self acclaimed chairman of a faceless group, which referred to itself as “North Central All Progressives Congress (APC) Forum”, for visiting the National Chairman of APC, Abdullahi Ganduje, was in bad taste.
In a purported interview credited to him, Zazzaga made a so-called call for an apology from the governor. The said Zazzaga “condemned” Governor Sule, who is the Chairman of the APC North Central Governors’ Forum for “endorsing” the party’s national chiarman.
In the apparently sponsored outing syndicated in selected national newspapers, Zazzaga, acting the script of his pay masters, attempted to weep up emotion and hatred against Governor Sule across the North Central by connecting the visit to the national chairmanship seat struggle and the ongoing agitation to return it back to the zone.
In his desperation and that of his sponsors, Zazzaga also unsuccessfully tried to ignite sentiment in Governor Sule’s home state by pitching him against notable figure like the former National Chairman of our dear party and a father of the state, Senator Abdullahi Adamu and others, even as he veered off the track by bringing the issue of performance into the fray.
Now, how does a visit to the national secretariat of our great party amounted to an endorsement of a man who is already occupying the seat?
What motive does Zazzaga have for quoting Governor Sule out of contest? How does Governor Sule’s speech to the effect that: “I am here also to pay my respect to a man that deserves respect. To our National Chairman, Dr Ganduje. He deserves respect and deserves all the cooperation, especially at a time like this. In the next couple of weeks, we have an election in Edo, so the man does not need to be distracted in any other way so that we can go and win our election in Edo, and that is one of the reasons why I came to encourage him to be focused,’ translated to an endorsement?
But unknown to Zazzaga and his sponsors, Governor Sule was at the national secretariate of the party on a special invitation, as chairman of North Central Governor’s forum to find a solution to resolve the APC crisis in one of the state from the zone, “Benue state ” and he mentioned the elections in Edo because he is the publicity committee chairman for the party’s national campaign in Edo governorship election.
Now, let’s analyze the above statement by Governor Sule based on its content. If he called on stakeholders to rally behind Ganduje to enable the national chairman deliver Edo and Ondo for the party in the forthcoming governorship election in those states, why should someone who has the love of the party in his heart crucified him for that?
It is public knowledge that the governorship election for Edo State was slated for September 21 while that of Ondo is coming up on November 16. If the party’s stakeholders don’t put their houses in order and act collectively now how will it hope to win those states?
From all indications those faulting Governor Sule for calling for the stakeholders’ unity at this crucial time when the polls for the two strategic states are at hand do not mean well for the party and want it to lose. That is why it is imperative to initiate a probe to unmasked those using Zazzaga to further distablise the party because of their parochial interest. I don’t think Zazzaga is from Plateau State because if people like Zazzaga exist yet, we lost Plateau to opposition.
Come to think of it, who is Zazzaga within the party hierarchy to launch such attacks on the person and personality of the Chairman of the North Central Governors’Forum and key stakeholder of the party.
It must be stated here that the offensive against Governor Sule is an assault on the office of the North Central Governors Forum and an attempt to ridicule the party before the public.
But I’m challenging Zazzaga and his desperate sponsors to come to the NEC meeting of the party on the 11th of September to move a motion for the removal of Ganduje if they are serious about their agitation to have Ganduje removed from office, else their affront on Governor Sule deserves a decisive action against the perpetrators.
In it is surprising that despite his make-believe standing as stakeholder of the party in the North Central, Zazzaga is not even abreast with the transformation going in Nasarawa State under Governor Sule.
In his blind hatred and desperation to do the bidding of his pay masters, he failed to or probably ignored the need to do his research well before going public with his falsehood about the state of governance in the Home of Solid Mineral.
Even if he couldn’t take his time to visit the state for a firsthand information about the massive development going on in Nasarawa State, one would have think that as someone who is enlightened, Zazzaga should at listen to news and read the newspapers about what is happening in Nasarawa under Governor Sule.
If anything, the transformation in the solid mineral subsector courtesy of Governor Sule’s insight and resourcefulness, which has endeared the state and the governor to the presidency, should not have escaped Zazzaga ‘s attention. But he chooses to turn blind eyes and rather brook the disdain from the public over his misinformation regarding the situation in Nasarawa.
The state is now exposed to investors and development courtesy of Governor Sule. No one insults Governor Sule and goes free without being challenged by that community for his development strides across the state.
Dr Kassim Muh’d Kassim is the Special Adviser on Political Affairs to the Nasarawa State Governor, Engineer Abdullahi Sule.

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